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"In 2016, economic globalization suffered a severe crisis after over half a century of smooth development, and deglobalization was running mountains high. Not only did it trigger domestic political discord in major countries like the United States, Britain, France and Germany, but also led to international economic and political disputes among Western countries, intensifying strategic competition between major powers. With the arrival of 2017, through the perilous waves of deglobalization and the consequent international political upheavals, we find that the post Cold War era that we were familiarized with, is coming to a rapid end, ushering in a new international political era, full of uncertainties. This annual book presents Chinese scholars' views, opinions and predictions on global political and security issues, as well as China's strategic choice. It covers a wide range of important issues concerning international security, ranging from the assessment of Sino-US relations, Russian-American relations, the counter terrorism situation in the Middle East, the political situation in Taiwan and cross-Strait relations, Brexit and the refugee problem, and the strategic situation in the South China Sea, to the judgment of the strategic posture in countries and regions like Japan, the Korean Peninsula, Southeast Asia, Latin America and Africa. Also covered are the analysis of the strategic posture in cyber space, outer space (as well as their governance), and discussion on China's international strategic choice in the wave of deglobalization."--

Chung, Lok Wai. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 254-271). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract / --- p.i ; Acknowledgments/ --- p.iii ; Table of Content / --- p.iv ; List of Tables / --- p.ix ; Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1. --- Theoretical background --- p.2 ; Chapter 2. --- Research questions --- p.6 ; Chapter 3. --- Explanatory Variables and Hypothesis: --- p.7 ; Chapter 4. --- Main Findings --- p.9 ; Chapter 5. --- Research methodology --- p.10 ; Chapter 6. --- Research significance --- p.11 ; Chapter 7. --- Structure of the thesis --- p.12 ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Literature Review --- p.15 ; Chapter 1. --- Debate between ideas and interests in International Relations --- p.16 ; Chapter 1.1. --- Conceptualization --- p.17 ; Chapter 1.2. --- How idea affects policy: three pathways? --- p.19 ; Chapter 1.3. --- Interest matter? --- p.20 ; Chapter 1.4. --- How is it formed? --- p.22 ; Chapter 1.5. --- End of idealism and rationalism debate? --- p.23 ; Chapter 2. --- Debate between epistemic community with other communities --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.1. --- How expert group works --- p.31 ; Chapter 2.1.1. --- Uncertainty --- p.31 ; Chapter 2.1.2. --- Cause and effect relationships --- p.32 ; Chapter 2.1.3. --- Define self-interests --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.1.4. --- Formulate policy --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.2. --- Difference between epistemic community with other groups --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.3. --- How to affect policy --- p.35 ; Chapter 2.4. --- Transnational Advocacy Network --- p.38 ; Chapter 2.4.1. --- What is network --- p.38 ; Chapter 2.4.2. --- What is transnationalism --- p.40 ; Chapter 2.4.3. --- What is transnational advocacy network? --- p.42 ; Chapter 2.4.4. --- How Transnational Advocacy Network works? --- p.44 ; Chapter 2.4.5. --- What conditions do advocacy networks have influence? --- p.46 ; Chapter 3. --- Application to the North Korea case --- p.47 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- North Korea Economy: General Review and Trend ...

Lee Tsz Lok. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 120-123). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; ABSTRACT --- p.i ; ACKNOWLEDGMENT --- p.iii ; CONTENTS --- p.v ; Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- Introduction: Domestic Work from Premodern to Modern --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Research Objective ; Chapter 1.2 --- Research B ackground ; Chapter 1.2.1 --- History of Chinese Domestic Servants ; Chapter 1.2.2 --- Demand for Foreign Domestic Workers ; Chapter 1.2.3 --- Legislation Governing Employment of Foreign Domestic Workers ; Chapter 1.2 --- Research Questions ; Chapter 1.3 --- Research Significances ; Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- Literature Review: Private-Public Interpenetration, Power Relations and Social Negotiations in Domestic Employment --- p.13 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Hegemonies and Homes ; Chapter 2.2 --- Private-Public Distinction ; Chapter 2.3 --- Power Dynamics ; Chapter 2.4 --- Between the Personalized and the Bureaucratized ; Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- Conceptual Framework: The Personalized/ Bureaucratized Typology and Interactive Dynamics in Domestic Employment --- p.25 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Assumptions of the Present Study ; Chapter 3.2 --- Typology of Worker-Employer Relations ; Chapter 3.3 --- The Personalized Type of Relations ; Chapter 3.4 --- The Bureaucratized Type of Relations ; Chapter 3.5 --- Micropolitics in Domestic Work ; Chapter CHAPTER 4 --- Research Methods and Data --- p.39 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Methods and Data Collection ; Chapter 4.2 --- Characteristics of Informants ; Chapter 4.2.1 --- Characteristics of Employers ; Chapter 4.2.2 --- Characteristics of Workers ; Chapter CHAPTER 5 --- The Personalized Type of Relations --- p.45 ; Chapter 5.1 --- Affective-Based Particularism ; Chapter 5.1.1 --- Working Philosophy ; Chapter 5.1.2 --- Workers' Presence in Public Spaces ; Chapter 5.1.3 --- Confrontations ; Chapter 5.2 --- Diffuse Work Obligations ; Chapter 5.3 --- Personal Attachment ; Chapter 5.3.1 --- Materialistic Relationship ; Chapter 5.3.2 --- ...

朱振庭. ; "2003年2月". ; 论文(哲学硕士)--香港中文大学, 2003. ; 参考文献 (leaves 131-145). ; 附中英文摘要. ; "2003 nian 2 yue". ; Zhu Zhenting. ; Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2003. ; Can kao wen xian (leaves 131-145). ; Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. ; 摘要 --- p.4 ; Abstract --- p.5 ; Chapter 第一章 --- 导论 --- p.6 ; Chapter 第二章 --- 研究方法与假设 --- p.10 ; 现实主义学派发展简述 --- p.11 ; 现实主义基本内容简介 --- p.14 ; 为什么本文仍釆用现实主义史观? --- p.15 ; 把现实主义概念应用于克林顿政府时期的中美关系 --- p.16 ; Chapter 第三章 --- 关于后冷战时期中美关系研究的简述 --- p.18 ; Chapter 第四章 --- 亚太地区海上优势的矛盾 --- p.26 ; 美国对其在亚太地区海上优势的重视 --- p.26 ; 中国对海上力量的重视 --- p.28 ; 中国致力发展海上力量的原因 --- p.29 ; 中国海军发展及其战略初探 --- p.32 ; 90年代时期中国的海外经略:以缅甸为例 --- p.35 ; 中国海洋意识vs.美国海上优势 --- p.39 ; 其它国家的近似历史经验 --- p.48 ; 结语 --- p.49 ; Chapter 第五章 --- 美国在中国周边地区的活动 --- p.52 ; 亚太地区对美国的重要性 --- p.52 ; 朝鲜半岛 --- p.56 ; 蒙古 --- p.58 ; 中亚国家 --- p.59 ; 印度 --- p.61 ; 东南亚地区 --- p.63 ; 泰國 --- p.64 ; 新加坡 --- p.65 ; 印度尼西亚 --- p.66 ; 越南 --- p.66 ; 菲律宾 --- p.6S ; 澳大利亚 --- p.69 ; 日本 --- p.71 ; 其它国家的近似历史经验 --- p.73 ; 结语 --- p.74 ; Chapter 第六章 --- 两国在台湾问题上的矛盾 --- p.77 ; 台湾地区朝野对统一的态度:非「急独」即「拒统」 --- p.79 ; 中国大陆对两岸统一的看法:反对「台独」 --- p.84 ; 两岸对统一所持的态度:「急统」对「拒统」 --- p.85 ; 中国大陆国内政治发展的影响:以人民解放军的角色为例 --- p.86 ; 台湾地区对美国的重要性 --- p.90 ; 略论美国对台政策的本质 --- p.92 ; 中国大陆对美国跟台湾当局有特殊联系一事的态度 --- p.94 ; 对美国的反应:统一的障碍? --- p.95 ; 结语 --- p.97 ; Chapter 第七章 --- 两国公众的彼此观感 --- p.98 ; 研究方法 --- p.99 ; 美国的情况 --- p.99 ; 中国的情况 --- p.100 ; 美国公众对华看法述略 --- p.101 ; 中国公众对美看法述略 --- p.106 ; 结语 --- p.108 ; Chapter 第八章 --- 两国领导层的彼此观感 --- p.110 ; 研究方法 --- p.110 ; 美国领导层对中国的看法 --- p.111 ; 中国领导层对美国的看法 --- p.116 ; 其它国家的近似历史经验 --- p.120 ; 结语 --- p.121 ; Chapter 第九章 --- 结论 --- p.123 ; 参考资料 --- p.128

by Chau Ho Wai. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 134-140). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; ACKNOWLEDGMENTS --- p.iv ; LIST OF TABLES --- p.v ; ABBREVIATIONS --- p.vi ; CHAPTER ; Chapter ONE --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- The Question: How the civil-military relations evolved during the post-Deng era? ; Chapter 1.2 --- The Case of the 1996 Taiwan Straits Crisis ; Chapter 1.3 --- Framework: Allison's Model of Decision-Making ; Chapter 1.4 --- Data and Organization ; Chapter TWO --- LITERATURE REVIEW --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Non-Communist Regimes ; Chapter 2.2 --- Communist Regimes ; Chapter 2.3 --- Post-Communist World ; Chapter 2.4 --- Military Politics in China ; Chapter THREE --- INSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF PLA: FROM DENG TO POST-DENG ERA --- p.34 ; Chapter 3.1 --- PLA in the Deng Era ; Chapter 3.2 --- PLA in the Post-Deng Era ; Chapter 3.3 --- "Professionalization, Differentiation and Institutionalization" ; Chapter FOUR --- ORGANIZATIONAL INTERESTS OF PLA IN THE TAIWAN STRAITS CRISIS --- p.64 ; Chapter 4.1 --- The War Games and the Policy Handle ; Chapter 4.2 --- Employing the Organizational Process Model ; Chapter 4.3 --- Organizational Interests and Demands of the PLA ; Chapter 4.4 --- Information Processing of the PLA ; Chapter 4.5 --- Resource Acquisitions of the PLA ; Chapter FIVE --- BRINGING THE PLA INTERESTS INTO GOVERNMENTAL POLITICS --- p.100 ; Chapter 5.1 --- Employing the Governmental Politics Model ; Chapter 5.2 --- Perspectives of Jiang Zemin and PLA on the Taiwan Question ; Chapter 5.3 --- Political Pulls and Hauls in the Taiwan Straits Crisis ; Chapter 5.4 --- Legitimacy and Leadership Succession ; Chapter SIX --- CONCLUSION --- p.126 ; Chapter 6.1 --- Summary of Findings ; Chapter 6.2 --- Prospects of Future Research ; BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.134

決定美國外交政策的因素是多樣的,有國內因素與國外因素。概括而言,影響其外交決策的國內政治力量有總統、國務院及國務卿,國防部、國會,利益集團同媒體等等,而上述各個權力體都會受到公眾輿論的限制。可以說,公眾輿論是美國這個民主政體的外交行為不可忽視的影響力量。早至上世紀中葉,以沃爾特李普曼為代表的一批國際關係專家曾掀起研究公眾輿論的熱潮,李普曼、阿爾蒙德等持現實主義理論的學者認為公眾輿論不具有穩定性和理性,其情緒化,變幻莫測還容易收到外界影響,不應影響一國的外交決策。爭鋒相對的,自由主義理論的支持者則堅持公眾有權利參與外交決策,也有能力從國家利益出發理性地參與外交問題。 ; 自由主義和現實主義理論關於公眾輿論的認識是從不同角度出發去理解公眾輿論在外交決策領域的作用,因此二者難分上下,也不分對錯,一再糾纏與兩種理論的爭鋒不利於我們瞭解美國公眾輿論和外交決策的真實關係。本研究即是從此出發點考慮,跳出理論之爭,而將研究的重點集中於分析公眾輿論是如何在具體的情境中與政府互動的。筆者將通過對1940年代這一政策調整頻繁時期《紐約時報》對華新聞報導的分析,來考察在宋美齡訪美、重慶談判、承認中華人民共和國等歷史事件中美國民眾、媒體態度的變化以及政府在其中的角色如何。本研究的創新之處則在於從小處,即《紐約時報》的新聞報導著手看公眾輿論與美國外交決策這一宏觀互動關係的具體形式,希望有助於美國政治文化的研究。 ; Over the past six decades since the founding of the People's Republic of China, our understanding of the Sino-U.S. relations has undergone considerable revisions. From the beginning of the Cold War to President Nixon's visit to China, U.S. and China had been from enemies to friends, rivals to partners, later with the rise of China as one important power of world politics as well as economy, the balance between relations of U.S. and China flows with the distinguished definition of national interests. Therefore, the images of China in American eyes were never belonged to any stable type, public opinion in the U.S. has developed many different perspectives on China. ; Public Opinion plays an interesting role in shaping U.S. foreign policy, and the academic community and political observers have repeatedly debated on elaborations of its influence. To examine whether public opinion has participated in the policy making process of U.S. diplomacy is one good way to investigate if the development and expansion of government institutions would undermine the operation of liberal democracy and infringe on personal liberties. ; In order to answer the question in how Public Opinion influences the Government in foreign policy making and how the government, the media and Public interacted, I will conduct empirical studies and News analysis to interpret the New York Times News reports concerning U.S. Foreign Policy towards China in the ...