Suchergebnisse

The aim of this study is to analyze the current use of public diplomacy in foreign relations. It attempts to show how necessary public diplomacy strategy is for the formation of diplomatic relations. The first part of the study focuses on the analysis of changes in political communication in international relations. Presented are factors such as the transnationalisation or medialisation of foreign policy and the role of soft power in international relations. Then it presents a three dimensional model of public diplomacy that takes into account short-term and long-term goals. The main part of the text presents a change in the operation of today's foreign policy actors. This mainly concerns classical diplomacy, which has transformed its role, primarily by heavily engaging professional public affairs agencies and non-state actors in foreign policy. The article also cites examples from Europe and the United States of America of successful and unsuccessful strategies of public diplomacy. Adapted from the source document.

The foreign policy of the European Union is usually perceived as being significantly different from the common conception of modern foreign policy of sovereign nation states. In this article we will construct two models of foreign policy & confront them with current EU external relations. Firstly we shall look at the modern foreign policy model based on a neorealist approach. Secondly we shall examine its post-modern alternative that draws its inspiration from the post-structuralism of Jacques Derrida. The comparison is focused on three dimensions: the actor representing the foreign policy; his primary goal; & the key principles invoked in interactions with other actors. We conclude that the EU foreign policy cannot be sufficiently explained by neither of the two models. The large gap between the two models could probably be filled by the third, liberal model of foreign policy. Adapted from the source document.

Contemporarily human rights are ranked among the most crucial foreign policy priorities in many countries. At the same time numerous states are forced to consider the human rights agenda under growing international pressure. The substance of foreign policy in the field of human rights, its intensity & instruments vary in many different aspects. The paper focuses on foreign policy in the field of human rights analysis. Its aim is to comprehend & extend prevailing methods in order to obtain an analytical scheme applicable to almost every country. To fulfill this aim it includes several steps, the most important of which are: examining the essence of analyzing foreign policy in the field of human rights as a specific part of the foreign policy agenda, introduction & elaboration of the so called Mower's apparatus, interpretation of foreign policy in the field of human rights using different levels of analysis & developing methods of its evaluation. In the end the paper summarizes the current state of research & makes some recommendations for the future. Adapted from the source document.

The article aims to introduce the phenomenon of public diplomacy, highlighting the key features of the concept. The author is looking into why public diplomacy is worth of the attention of academics, pointing out the reasons for considering public diplomacy a relevant & legitimate segment of foreign policy -- and not just a trendy phrase. The article presents a brief overview of the development of public diplomacy so far, identifying the main reasons for public diplomacy being an important item on today's foreign policy agenda. Seeking to clarify what public diplomacy is & what its implications are, the author highlights some core features of public diplomacy & their temporal & thematic change. The article also touches upon the relationship between public diplomacy & propaganda, branding, international cultural relations & traditional diplomacy. The author concludes with effective public diplomacy strategies & preconditions for its further development. Adapted from the source document.

As a result of stability in the field of international relations & the absence of acute security threats in many countries & regions of the world (this applies to the EU as well), & as a consequence of the influence of globalization in particular, the importance of the economic dimension of foreign policy is more accentuated at the beginning of the 21st century. Therefore, commercial diplomacy is more important as well, & at the same time, the character of its functions changes, which is the main object of research in this study. In the first part, a brief historical survey of functions of commercial diplomacy, from their very beginnings to their present shape, is drafted. In the second chapter, the term commercial diplomacy is defined, & related terms are described as well. In the third part, the following basic functions of commercial diplomacy (as implemented in contemporary practice) are analyzed: trade promotion & development, investment promotion, economic-information functions, political-legislative functions, development aid assistance & state promotion. The fourth part of this work is focused on the issue of transnational companies (TNCs), whose number rose dramatically in the last few decades, & at present, this subject is considered to be one of the most important factors influencing the character of commercial diplomacy both currently & in the future. The author concludes that commercial diplomacy will be focused particularly on small & medium sized enterprises in the future. At the same time, the complexity of functions of commercial diplomacy will rise, particularly as a result of a diffusion of the economic & political dimensions of foreign policy. Adapted from the source document.

This article summarizes the basic theoretical approaches to the study of intelligence & intelligence control in the new Central European democracies. The existing theories are applied to the case of intelligence transformation in the Czech Republic. The Czech intelligence came through a reform similar to that of the intelligence services in neighboring countries, but with some significant exceptions. The Czech Republic's intelligence community consists of three organizations: the Security Information Service, the Office for Foreign Relations & Information, & the Military intelligence (Military intelligence has two relatively independent parts: Military Defense Intelligence & Military Intelligence Service). Only the Security Information Service & the Military Defense Intelligence are under the control of special parliamentary bodies, though at present there are two suggestions about a legislative reform. The article summarizes both of these suggestions, makes critical notes, & presents the author's own suggestion on how to improve democratic control of the Czech intelligence services. References. Adapted from the source document.

International negotiation & communication contribute to the improvement of international relations. Negotiation between states & also other subjects of international relations is one of basic forms of its function. First of all, it is necessary to characterize negotiation as a phenomenon & also its key elements. It is possible to start with the definition of elementary words in this field such as communication, negotiation, & diplomacy, & also its mutual connections. Next step is a characteristic of several basic variables, which we can see in all negotiations without respect to when, where, & on which theme the negotiation is occurring -- information, time & power. Negotiation is also characterized as a process with its phases & dynamics. Basic phases are analysis of subject, planning of possible solutions & discussion -- it means full negotiation. Elementary styles of negotiation are also part of this characteristic. Two key categories represent positional & principal negotiation. Cultural aspects of negotiation, especially in international relations are another important part. These aspects arise from definition of culture, cultural dimension of international relations, also intercultural communication & necessity of its understanding. Values paradigm (system of basic values) & characteristics of different cultures also play a very important part. These values cooperate on the creation of different approaches of these cultures, members to negotiation, & the use of different styles. Crucial are in this sense e.g. using of language or time & also one of the basic classifications on individualistic & interdependent ethoses, with low-context or high-context negotiation style. In the context of international negotiation it is possible to come up different variants of negotiation. There are, first of all, bilateral or multilateral negotiation or mediation & good offices and, of course, inquiry, conciliation, arbitration & jurisdictional disputes. Examined are many elements eg., style, strategy (used during negotiation), selection of group of participants, formulation of agenda, venue of negotiation, proceedings, decision-making & many other questions in these styles. It is necessary to mention that in current international practice negotiation is one of the main legitimate methods of resolving conflicts, & above all preventing of such conflicts. Adapted from the source document.

Constructivist attempts to focus on analysis of the European identity, including the foreign policy dimension, rely almost exclusively on textual and verbal discourse. But discourse as such is not limited to textual and verbal acts; graphics and visuals, including political caricatures, constitute an integral component of discourse as well. The aim of this contribution is to analyse how the European Union's identity as an actor of international relations could be imagined by studying a sample of political cartoons from The Economist. Based on the analysis, I conclude that although the European Union is not imagined as an antithesis to a standard international actor, The Economist still imagines it as a player that is not entirely equal to other players. Adapted from the source document.

This article explores the question of whether the increasing importance of religion in international relations is also reflected in the role the Roman Catholic Church plays in the formulation of Czech foreign policy. In the first half of the study we will briefly investigate in what ways the role of the Church is described in the key documents of Czech (foreign) policy and how the Church-politics relationship is interpreted in the Czech media discourse. Our attention will be dedicated primarily to the thematic analysis and the actorness of the Church. In the article's second half, we will focus on the way(s) the Church is trying to change the situation of its relation to Czech politics, which is currently unfavourable to it. We will identify three fundamental strategies that can be used by the Church as a reaction to its expulsion from the public sphere and also assess their empirical presence in the Czech milieu. Adapted from the source document.

This article attempts to explain the diverging evolution of foreign & security policy in the EU. It begins by characterizing the CFSP/ESDP at the level of the armed forces, administrative structures, & decision-making bodies in comparison with practical implementation. This survey reveals two modes of interpretation: One based on the realist theory & the other on integration theories of neofunctionalism or institutionalism. The fourth part of this paper expounds upon the finding that neither of these theories are able to fully explain the empirical contradiction, brought forward by the rift between the EU member states in 2003, with regard to the intervention in Iraq, or the parallel dynamic developments within ESDP. The author suggests a possible solution based on the conceptualization of "high" & "low" foreign & security policy, derived from Stanley Hoffmann's original concept. Adapted from the source document.

The article focuses on the institutional reforms of the European Union's foreign policy from the perspective of input and output legitimacy. It aims at two objectives: to analyse the potential contribution of the establishment of the European External Action Service headed by the Union's High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy for the legitimacy of the EU's international activity, and to tentatively evaluate to what extent the potential is being fulfilled in practice. It concludes that the new institutions have the potential to raise the output legitimacy of the EU, but only if the member states are considered constitutive actors of the EU and if the institutions manage to keep a high level of input legitimacy. Nevertheless, it is too soon to decide whether this will be possible in practice. Adapted from the source document.

The article aims to introduce the model of public diplomacy in the conception of small states, highlighting the key features which fulfill the idea of public diplomacy promoted by these small states. The article looks into how these characteristics are reflected in public diplomacy strategies. The author examines which concrete components of these strategies have direct connection to the public diplomacy model of small states, how strongly these differences are evident in plans for strategies & how deeply these differences can influence the final form of the strategies. In its last part the article also touches on the practice of public diplomacy in the Czech Republic through discussions of key documents, tools used in public diplomacy & the development of institutions. The author tries to reach a conclusion as to whether & how deeply the contemporary practice in the Czech Republic corresponds to the public diplomacy model of small states. Adapted from the source document.

This article deals with the rules of power distribution and the delegation of power in international security organizations. More specifically, the paper describes and evaluates the delegation of power in the security regimes of the UN, NATO, and the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). The paper proceeds from a hypothesis drawing on existing research. According to this hypothesis, the security regime of the UN is marked by a substantial delegation of power, but we can observe only weak power delegations in NATO and the CFSP. So while the UN's security regime can be considered supranational, NATO and the CFSP represent intergovernmental regimes. The analysis carried out in this paper confirms the hypothesis. In comparison with existing literature, however, the paper submits much more precise and concrete findings. Moreover, the paper also forwards a rather unique conceptual and methodological approach for studies of power distribution in international organizations (IOs). In this way, it contributes towards the general study of IOs, which is currently rather stagnant. Adapted from the source document.