Suchergebnisse

The subject of the parliamentary law and public governance institutions is relevant and new, because it was not analysed before in the scientifical publications of Lithuanian constitutionalists. This subject includes the comparative aspects not only of the constitutional status, powers and interinstitutional relations between the President and the Parliament of Lithuania but also foreign countries governmental relations, status and powers (USA, Latvia and Portugal). The problem, set out in this master thesis, is the lack of systematic comparative analysis, that is connected to the presidential and parliamental relations and the fragmentary scientifical basis on this topic. The object of this thesis is the relations between the actual President and Parliament in Lithuania and three chosen foreign countries (USA, Latvia and Portugal), also their constitutional status, powers and functions that stipulates the mentioned governmental relations. The purpose of this work is to reveal the main aspects and possible solutions of the problematical situations in the sphere of presidential and parliamential relations, constitutional status, powers in the governmental field in Lithuania, USA, Latvia and Portugal. The purpose is obtained while using these main tasks: analysing the theory and the practice of the status, powers, intergovernmental relations in Lithuania, USA, Latvia and Portugal, introducing the similarities and the differences among all the mentioned countries and their governments. There are two hypothesis set out in this work: The mechanism of the relations of Lithuanian Parliament and President presupposes, that the Presidents' powers are inadequately limited in some areas of his actions and the second hypothesis is that the status, powers and relations of the Presidents and the Parliaments in USA, Latvia and Portugal confirms its' similarity to the President of Lithuania. The methods, used in this master thesis are: comparative systematic, teleological, documental analysis, logical method. At the end of analysis, the hypothesis, denoting that in the mechanism of the governmental relations the powers of the President are disproportionately limited, i.e. his rights in the process of the Governments' formation are too narrow and he has no constitutional right to apply to the Constitutional Court on the matter of the legal acts of Seimas incompatibility with the Constitution is confirmed. Moreover, the second hypothesis is partialy rejected: the intergovernmental relations of the researched foreign countries in the abstract level are similar to the governmental institutions of Lithuania but after the deeper examination the differences are also revealed. The American and Portuguese Presidents have strong powers and wide area of constitutional actions, unlike the President of Latvia, that has weaker status, powers and is more likely to be the nominal leader of the country. The master thesis consists of introduction, three main parts, conclusions, offers, the list of the literature used, anotation and the summary in Lithuanian and English languages. The first part of the this work consists of the analysis of the actual Parliament and President in Lithuania, their constitutional status, functions, powers and relations, the second part describes the same features of the three chosen foreign countries (USA, Latvia and Portugal) and the last part discloses the similarities and the differences among all those countries and their governmental relations. The Constitutions of Lithuania, USA, Latvia and Portugal were broadly used when writing this master thesis, as well as some laws, constitutional jurisprudence and some scientifical works of lithuanian constitutionalists, such as G. Mesonis, V. Sinkevičius, E. Jarašiūnas and others and some foreign scientists as well (especially american), such as G. Calabresi, I. Vladeck, W. Marshall and others.

The subject of the parliamentary law and public governance institutions is relevant and new, because it was not analysed before in the scientifical publications of Lithuanian constitutionalists. This subject includes the comparative aspects not only of the constitutional status, powers and interinstitutional relations between the President and the Parliament of Lithuania but also foreign countries governmental relations, status and powers (USA, Latvia and Portugal). The problem, set out in this master thesis, is the lack of systematic comparative analysis, that is connected to the presidential and parliamental relations and the fragmentary scientifical basis on this topic. The object of this thesis is the relations between the actual President and Parliament in Lithuania and three chosen foreign countries (USA, Latvia and Portugal), also their constitutional status, powers and functions that stipulates the mentioned governmental relations. The purpose of this work is to reveal the main aspects and possible solutions of the problematical situations in the sphere of presidential and parliamential relations, constitutional status, powers in the governmental field in Lithuania, USA, Latvia and Portugal. The purpose is obtained while using these main tasks: analysing the theory and the practice of the status, powers, intergovernmental relations in Lithuania, USA, Latvia and Portugal, introducing the similarities and the differences among all the mentioned countries and their governments. There are two hypothesis set out in this work: The mechanism of the relations of Lithuanian Parliament and President presupposes, that the Presidents' powers are inadequately limited in some areas of his actions and the second hypothesis is that the status, powers and relations of the Presidents and the Parliaments in USA, Latvia and Portugal confirms its' similarity to the President of Lithuania. The methods, used in this master thesis are: comparative systematic, teleological, documental analysis, logical method. At the end of analysis, the hypothesis, denoting that in the mechanism of the governmental relations the powers of the President are disproportionately limited, i.e. his rights in the process of the Governments' formation are too narrow and he has no constitutional right to apply to the Constitutional Court on the matter of the legal acts of Seimas incompatibility with the Constitution is confirmed. Moreover, the second hypothesis is partialy rejected: the intergovernmental relations of the researched foreign countries in the abstract level are similar to the governmental institutions of Lithuania but after the deeper examination the differences are also revealed. The American and Portuguese Presidents have strong powers and wide area of constitutional actions, unlike the President of Latvia, that has weaker status, powers and is more likely to be the nominal leader of the country. The master thesis consists of introduction, three main parts, conclusions, offers, the list of the literature used, anotation and the summary in Lithuanian and English languages. The first part of the this work consists of the analysis of the actual Parliament and President in Lithuania, their constitutional status, functions, powers and relations, the second part describes the same features of the three chosen foreign countries (USA, Latvia and Portugal) and the last part discloses the similarities and the differences among all those countries and their governmental relations. The Constitutions of Lithuania, USA, Latvia and Portugal were broadly used when writing this master thesis, as well as some laws, constitutional jurisprudence and some scientifical works of lithuanian constitutionalists, such as G. Mesonis, V. Sinkevičius, E. Jarašiūnas and others and some foreign scientists as well (especially american), such as G. Calabresi, I. Vladeck, W. Marshall and others.

Zsfassung in engl. Sprache

This doctoral dissertation explores, why Poland pursued a policy of engagement and balancing towards Russia between the parliamentary elections in 2001 and the European Unions Eastern Partnership summit in Vilnius in 2013. Such a policy was conducted by a middle power towards a major power, though in such cases structural realism predicts that middle powers either bandwagon or balance against major powers. Thus, this research employs neoclassical realist theory and the method of systematic process analysis to find out the reasons behind Poland's decisions in foreign policy and for that purpose four hypotheses are formulated and tested. It turned out that Poland engaged Russia for several reasons. In 2001-2005 and 2005-2007 Poland attempted to change Russia's intentions towards Poland. However, in 2007-2013 the pursuit of such policy was dictated by motives of domestic politics. But most importantly in three cases of 2001-2005, 2005-2006 and 2007-2013 Polish governments sought through a policy of engagement to show Western states, that Poland is not a "russophobic country," trying to entangle the EU and NATO into its drive to withhold Russia's expansionism.

This doctoral dissertation explores, why Poland pursued a policy of engagement and balancing towards Russia between the parliamentary elections in 2001 and the European Unions Eastern Partnership summit in Vilnius in 2013. Such a policy was conducted by a middle power towards a major power, though in such cases structural realism predicts that middle powers either bandwagon or balance against major powers. Thus, this research employs neoclassical realist theory and the method of systematic process analysis to find out the reasons behind Poland's decisions in foreign policy and for that purpose four hypotheses are formulated and tested. It turned out that Poland engaged Russia for several reasons. In 2001-2005 and 2005-2007 Poland attempted to change Russia's intentions towards Poland. However, in 2007-2013 the pursuit of such policy was dictated by motives of domestic politics. But most importantly in three cases of 2001-2005, 2005-2006 and 2007-2013 Polish governments sought through a policy of engagement to show Western states, that Poland is not a "russophobic country," trying to entangle the EU and NATO into its drive to withhold Russia's expansionism.

This doctoral dissertation explores, why Poland pursued a policy of engagement and balancing towards Russia between the parliamentary elections in 2001 and the European Unions Eastern Partnership summit in Vilnius in 2013. Such a policy was conducted by a middle power towards a major power, though in such cases structural realism predicts that middle powers either bandwagon or balance against major powers. Thus, this research employs neoclassical realist theory and the method of systematic process analysis to find out the reasons behind Poland's decisions in foreign policy and for that purpose four hypotheses are formulated and tested. It turned out that Poland engaged Russia for several reasons. In 2001-2005 and 2005-2007 Poland attempted to change Russia's intentions towards Poland. However, in 2007-2013 the pursuit of such policy was dictated by motives of domestic politics. But most importantly in three cases of 2001-2005, 2005-2006 and 2007-2013 Polish governments sought through a policy of engagement to show Western states, that Poland is not a "russophobic country," trying to entangle the EU and NATO into its drive to withhold Russia's expansionism.

This doctoral dissertation explores, why Poland pursued a policy of engagement and balancing towards Russia between the parliamentary elections in 2001 and the European Unions Eastern Partnership summit in Vilnius in 2013. Such a policy was conducted by a middle power towards a major power, though in such cases structural realism predicts that middle powers either bandwagon or balance against major powers. Thus, this research employs neoclassical realist theory and the method of systematic process analysis to find out the reasons behind Poland's decisions in foreign policy and for that purpose four hypotheses are formulated and tested. It turned out that Poland engaged Russia for several reasons. In 2001-2005 and 2005-2007 Poland attempted to change Russia's intentions towards Poland. However, in 2007-2013 the pursuit of such policy was dictated by motives of domestic politics. But most importantly in three cases of 2001-2005, 2005-2006 and 2007-2013 Polish governments sought through a policy of engagement to show Western states, that Poland is not a "russophobic country," trying to entangle the EU and NATO into its drive to withhold Russia's expansionism.

This doctoral dissertation explores, why Poland pursued a policy of engagement and balancing towards Russia between the parliamentary elections in 2001 and the European Unions Eastern Partnership summit in Vilnius in 2013. Such a policy was conducted by a middle power towards a major power, though in such cases structural realism predicts that middle powers either bandwagon or balance against major powers. Thus, this research employs neoclassical realist theory and the method of systematic process analysis to find out the reasons behind Poland's decisions in foreign policy and for that purpose four hypotheses are formulated and tested. It turned out that Poland engaged Russia for several reasons. In 2001-2005 and 2005-2007 Poland attempted to change Russia's intentions towards Poland. However, in 2007-2013 the pursuit of such policy was dictated by motives of domestic politics. But most importantly in three cases of 2001-2005, 2005-2006 and 2007-2013 Polish governments sought through a policy of engagement to show Western states, that Poland is not a "russophobic country," trying to entangle the EU and NATO into its drive to withhold Russia's expansionism.

This doctoral dissertation explores, why Poland pursued a policy of engagement and balancing towards Russia between the parliamentary elections in 2001 and the European Unions Eastern Partnership summit in Vilnius in 2013. Such a policy was conducted by a middle power towards a major power, though in such cases structural realism predicts that middle powers either bandwagon or balance against major powers. Thus, this research employs neoclassical realist theory and the method of systematic process analysis to find out the reasons behind Poland's decisions in foreign policy and for that purpose four hypotheses are formulated and tested. It turned out that Poland engaged Russia for several reasons. In 2001-2005 and 2005-2007 Poland attempted to change Russia's intentions towards Poland. However, in 2007-2013 the pursuit of such policy was dictated by motives of domestic politics. But most importantly in three cases of 2001-2005, 2005-2006 and 2007-2013 Polish governments sought through a policy of engagement to show Western states, that Poland is not a "russophobic country," trying to entangle the EU and NATO into its drive to withhold Russia's expansionism.

This doctoral dissertation explores, why Poland pursued a policy of engagement and balancing towards Russia between the parliamentary elections in 2001 and the European Unions Eastern Partnership summit in Vilnius in 2013. Such a policy was conducted by a middle power towards a major power, though in such cases structural realism predicts that middle powers either bandwagon or balance against major powers. Thus, this research employs neoclassical realist theory and the method of systematic process analysis to find out the reasons behind Poland's decisions in foreign policy and for that purpose four hypotheses are formulated and tested. It turned out that Poland engaged Russia for several reasons. In 2001-2005 and 2005-2007 Poland attempted to change Russia's intentions towards Poland. However, in 2007-2013 the pursuit of such policy was dictated by motives of domestic politics. But most importantly in three cases of 2001-2005, 2005-2006 and 2007-2013 Polish governments sought through a policy of engagement to show Western states, that Poland is not a "russophobic country," trying to entangle the EU and NATO into its drive to withhold Russia's expansionism.

This doctoral dissertation explores, why Poland pursued a policy of engagement and balancing towards Russia between the parliamentary elections in 2001 and the European Unions Eastern Partnership summit in Vilnius in 2013. Such a policy was conducted by a middle power towards a major power, though in such cases structural realism predicts that middle powers either bandwagon or balance against major powers. Thus, this research employs neoclassical realist theory and the method of systematic process analysis to find out the reasons behind Poland's decisions in foreign policy and for that purpose four hypotheses are formulated and tested. It turned out that Poland engaged Russia for several reasons. In 2001-2005 and 2005-2007 Poland attempted to change Russia's intentions towards Poland. However, in 2007-2013 the pursuit of such policy was dictated by motives of domestic politics. But most importantly in three cases of 2001-2005, 2005-2006 and 2007-2013 Polish governments sought through a policy of engagement to show Western states, that Poland is not a "russophobic country," trying to entangle the EU and NATO into its drive to withhold Russia's expansionism.

The controversial war in Iraq has revitalized the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) of the European Union (EU), which has been stagnant since Maastricht Treaty and the failure in the Balkans. The development of the CFSP is accumulating acceleration: the EU will soon have not only a common market, common institutions and a single currency, but also a common constitution, minister of foreign affairs and even a common army. The leaders of the larger states are especially enthusiastic about a stronger CFSP as a counterweight to the US dominance in the international security affairs. The authors of this article contend that clearly articulated and globally projected CFSP will not be possible unless common European interests stemming from as common European identity and implemented by common supranational institutions will emerge. The impact of the CFSP on Lithuanian foreign and security policy will depend on the pace of European integration in this area and the strength of European identity within the political elite of Lithuania and the society itself. Will this impact be of a positive nature? It will depend on the way Europe will choose: creation of an independent defence structure as an alternative to NATO or development of a cohesive strategic partnership with the US and NATO. In any case, Lithuania will have to constantly seek for a subtle balance between her commitments to NATO, implications of the EU membership and the strategic partnership with the US. In this. [to full text]