Suchergebnisse

Политика США на Ближнем Востоке на протяжении десятилетий оказывает серьезное влияние на политическое и экономическое состояние региона. Ближний Восток, в свою очередь, был и остается важным направлением для каждой американской администрации. Действия последних президентов США радикально изменили традиционный американский подход к политике на Ближнем Востоке и, в частности, к палестино-израильскому вопросу более того, эти действия стали импульсом к началу революционных изменений в сложной мозаике ближневосточных противоречий. Ситуация на Ближнем Востоке меняется, выражается это в нормализации отношений между Израилем и такими странами арабского лагеря, как ОАЭ, Бахрейн и Судан. Цель исследования – рассмотреть процесс формирования ближневосточной политики США и подходы к ближневосточной политике различных американских лидеров с целью определения «классического» американского подхода. Для достижения цели необходимо решить следующие задачи: рассмотреть историю американо-израильского сотрудничества и политики США в регионе для определения «традиционных» особенностей американского ближневосточного подхода и подхода к решению палестинской проблемы; изучить некоторые результаты политики американских президентов на ближневосточном направлении и определить, как она вписывается в «классическую» американскую политику. В процессе исследования использованы исторический метод и метод сравнительного анализа. Изменения, произошедшие на Ближнем Востоке за последние 4 года, революционны. Перенос американского посольства в Иерусалим, признание Америкой Голландских высот частью Израиля, заключение мирных соглашений между Израилем и некоторыми арабскими странами на фоне рекордно быстрого израильского строительства на оккупированных палестинских землях – еще вчера все это казалось невозможным, а уже сегодня является неотъемлемой частью реальности на Ближнем Востоке. Наиболее важным трендом остается процесс нормализации отношений между Израилем и арабскими странами.

In recent years, domestic and foreign outsourcing practice was widespread. In
the transition to outsourcing there are difficulties associated with the practical organization of the interaction between the customer and the performer. An algorithm
of management of the relationship with the performer (outsourcer). Particular attention is given to the criteria for evaluation of potential contractors.

This article focuses on problems with correlating a value system to human activity. The author approaches analyzing this issue in terms of cultural capital. Subject to examination is the key component of social order, which can be described as "developing relations of the highest and lowest order", as orientation towards oneself of one's community in a social group or network. This work attempts to define what social capital consists of in terms of privileged and legitimized cultural practices. Presumably a culture of common values bears self-worth if it can be materialized within the boundaries of various types of relations. This allows for predicting trends of change in interpersonal relationships, by means of generalizing the results and conducting comparative analysis. Highlighted is the fact that such analysis makes sense if it were to be conducted in terms of cultural capital. As such, a special role is assigned to cultural competence. The ability and/or skills in practically using cultural achievements under certain conditions, with the goal of converting them into other types of capital later down the line, are especially valuable. Also noted is the fact that an understanding of cultural capital, as well as its transformations, is vital for analyzing actual practices which reflect the processes of the "achievements, approval or rejection, reproduction or transformation" dynamic. The author confirms the conclusion which had already been drawn by foreign scientists who are well-known in this field of knowledge, namely that there exists a certain pattern: either society brings forth specific channels for the flow of class cultures with their impenetrable boundaries, their peculiar and somewhat autonomous standards of purpose (of taste), or a dilution of class distinctions occurs. This inevitably has an effect on the decline of the role of cultural capital, and therefore on belonging to the elite. A hypothesis is brought forth about the need to define a person's place within social networks, their affiliation with those who are typically considered to be members of "exclusive cultures". Otherwise a connection to such networks implies the "lowest level of cultural competence" and an unfavorable place in the social hierarchy.

The main idea of this article is to describe the process of Turkish foreign policy evolvement during the rule of Justice and Development party (JDP). From weak economy and unstable political situation in 2001, JDP quickly formulated a new strategy of foreign policy and stabilized economy. In the article the Turkish foreign policy in the 21st century is divided into several stages which respond to different international threats and circumstances. The first stage was a peacekeeping stage when Turkey tried to stabilize the situation near its borders and implement peace initiatives for the purpose to find new markets and allies. As a result, Turkey formulated a new strategy of foreign policy, called "Zero Problems Policy" which aimed to create a ring of friendly countries on the borders. On the second stage, Turkish foreign policy was more active – Turkey tried to balance among regional power centers and confront with one of the most powerful actors – Israel. Confrontation with Tel Aviv was a preface to the third stage, and today under the influence of "Arab Spring" and desire to change its role in international relations, Turkey refused "Zero Problems Policy" strategy and turned to a new aggressive and revanchist idea – neo- Ottomanism. Ankara tries to build a new regional set of rules where Turkey will play a leading role.

Currently, social networks are increasingly being used as an effective medium for public diplomacy. The article is devoted to the consideration of the phenomenon of Twitter diplomacy and its role in the foreign policy of most countries of the world. The events of recent years show that Twitter has not only become a new tool in diplomatic activity, but also changed the way the diplomatic processes themselves are perceived. Diplomats and world political leaders have begun to understand the benefits of some of Twitter's services and capabilities to maintain the most favorable relationships in a networked public space. Thanks to Twitter, the relationship between social networks and diplomacy began to transform into a dynamically developing modern phenomenon, showing that social networks can play both negative (Twitter revolutions, social instability, the formation of negative public opinion, etc.), and a positive important role in building favorable relations and ensuring peace between peoples. Therefore, Twitter today remains the most popular social network for world political leaders and foreign ministries of several countries.

Not only Russian, but also foreign modern legal science bypasses the issue of the legal nature of the state's right to expropriate private property. Its limits and limitations are unclear, as are the guarantees of the right to private property. In most cases, the right to expropriate is perceived as a given and the prerogative of the state. However, it is quite obvious that the principle of the certainty of law presupposes the normative clarity of the regimes and types of expropriation, the conditions for its implementation in relation to other restrictions and methods for the forced termination of the right to private property. In conditions of high turbulence in international relations, the question of the correlation between the norms of international, private international and national (domestic) law in determining the mechanism and legal regime of expropriation is especially relevant. Discussions on the relationship between the legal mechanisms of expropriation and nationalization, on the denition of criteria and the very legal nature of the compensation due to a private owner during expropriation do not leave the agenda. Particularly acute is the question of the grounds and forms of international responsibility of states exercising the right to expropriation, both in violation of the general norms and principles of international law, and special in relation to expropriation in relation to the interests and rights of private owners. The attention of the author is focused on this issue in connection with the emerging negative trends in the development of lawmaking in this area, not only at the national, but also at the international level.