Suchergebnisse

Chung, Lok Wai. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 254-271). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract / --- p.i ; Acknowledgments/ --- p.iii ; Table of Content / --- p.iv ; List of Tables / --- p.ix ; Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1. --- Theoretical background --- p.2 ; Chapter 2. --- Research questions --- p.6 ; Chapter 3. --- Explanatory Variables and Hypothesis: --- p.7 ; Chapter 4. --- Main Findings --- p.9 ; Chapter 5. --- Research methodology --- p.10 ; Chapter 6. --- Research significance --- p.11 ; Chapter 7. --- Structure of the thesis --- p.12 ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Literature Review --- p.15 ; Chapter 1. --- Debate between ideas and interests in International Relations --- p.16 ; Chapter 1.1. --- Conceptualization --- p.17 ; Chapter 1.2. --- How idea affects policy: three pathways? --- p.19 ; Chapter 1.3. --- Interest matter? --- p.20 ; Chapter 1.4. --- How is it formed? --- p.22 ; Chapter 1.5. --- End of idealism and rationalism debate? --- p.23 ; Chapter 2. --- Debate between epistemic community with other communities --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.1. --- How expert group works --- p.31 ; Chapter 2.1.1. --- Uncertainty --- p.31 ; Chapter 2.1.2. --- Cause and effect relationships --- p.32 ; Chapter 2.1.3. --- Define self-interests --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.1.4. --- Formulate policy --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.2. --- Difference between epistemic community with other groups --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.3. --- How to affect policy --- p.35 ; Chapter 2.4. --- Transnational Advocacy Network --- p.38 ; Chapter 2.4.1. --- What is network --- p.38 ; Chapter 2.4.2. --- What is transnationalism --- p.40 ; Chapter 2.4.3. --- What is transnational advocacy network? --- p.42 ; Chapter 2.4.4. --- How Transnational Advocacy Network works? --- p.44 ; Chapter 2.4.5. --- What conditions do advocacy networks have influence? --- p.46 ; Chapter 3. --- Application to the North Korea case --- p.47 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- North Korea Economy: General Review and Trend ...

Lee Tsz Lok. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 120-123). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; ABSTRACT --- p.i ; ACKNOWLEDGMENT --- p.iii ; CONTENTS --- p.v ; Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- Introduction: Domestic Work from Premodern to Modern --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Research Objective ; Chapter 1.2 --- Research B ackground ; Chapter 1.2.1 --- History of Chinese Domestic Servants ; Chapter 1.2.2 --- Demand for Foreign Domestic Workers ; Chapter 1.2.3 --- Legislation Governing Employment of Foreign Domestic Workers ; Chapter 1.2 --- Research Questions ; Chapter 1.3 --- Research Significances ; Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- Literature Review: Private-Public Interpenetration, Power Relations and Social Negotiations in Domestic Employment --- p.13 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Hegemonies and Homes ; Chapter 2.2 --- Private-Public Distinction ; Chapter 2.3 --- Power Dynamics ; Chapter 2.4 --- Between the Personalized and the Bureaucratized ; Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- Conceptual Framework: The Personalized/ Bureaucratized Typology and Interactive Dynamics in Domestic Employment --- p.25 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Assumptions of the Present Study ; Chapter 3.2 --- Typology of Worker-Employer Relations ; Chapter 3.3 --- The Personalized Type of Relations ; Chapter 3.4 --- The Bureaucratized Type of Relations ; Chapter 3.5 --- Micropolitics in Domestic Work ; Chapter CHAPTER 4 --- Research Methods and Data --- p.39 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Methods and Data Collection ; Chapter 4.2 --- Characteristics of Informants ; Chapter 4.2.1 --- Characteristics of Employers ; Chapter 4.2.2 --- Characteristics of Workers ; Chapter CHAPTER 5 --- The Personalized Type of Relations --- p.45 ; Chapter 5.1 --- Affective-Based Particularism ; Chapter 5.1.1 --- Working Philosophy ; Chapter 5.1.2 --- Workers' Presence in Public Spaces ; Chapter 5.1.3 --- Confrontations ; Chapter 5.2 --- Diffuse Work Obligations ; Chapter 5.3 --- Personal Attachment ; Chapter 5.3.1 --- Materialistic Relationship ; Chapter 5.3.2 --- ...

朱振庭. ; "2003年2月". ; 论文(哲学硕士)--香港中文大学, 2003. ; 参考文献 (leaves 131-145). ; 附中英文摘要. ; "2003 nian 2 yue". ; Zhu Zhenting. ; Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2003. ; Can kao wen xian (leaves 131-145). ; Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. ; 摘要 --- p.4 ; Abstract --- p.5 ; Chapter 第一章 --- 导论 --- p.6 ; Chapter 第二章 --- 研究方法与假设 --- p.10 ; 现实主义学派发展简述 --- p.11 ; 现实主义基本内容简介 --- p.14 ; 为什么本文仍釆用现实主义史观? --- p.15 ; 把现实主义概念应用于克林顿政府时期的中美关系 --- p.16 ; Chapter 第三章 --- 关于后冷战时期中美关系研究的简述 --- p.18 ; Chapter 第四章 --- 亚太地区海上优势的矛盾 --- p.26 ; 美国对其在亚太地区海上优势的重视 --- p.26 ; 中国对海上力量的重视 --- p.28 ; 中国致力发展海上力量的原因 --- p.29 ; 中国海军发展及其战略初探 --- p.32 ; 90年代时期中国的海外经略:以缅甸为例 --- p.35 ; 中国海洋意识vs.美国海上优势 --- p.39 ; 其它国家的近似历史经验 --- p.48 ; 结语 --- p.49 ; Chapter 第五章 --- 美国在中国周边地区的活动 --- p.52 ; 亚太地区对美国的重要性 --- p.52 ; 朝鲜半岛 --- p.56 ; 蒙古 --- p.58 ; 中亚国家 --- p.59 ; 印度 --- p.61 ; 东南亚地区 --- p.63 ; 泰國 --- p.64 ; 新加坡 --- p.65 ; 印度尼西亚 --- p.66 ; 越南 --- p.66 ; 菲律宾 --- p.6S ; 澳大利亚 --- p.69 ; 日本 --- p.71 ; 其它国家的近似历史经验 --- p.73 ; 结语 --- p.74 ; Chapter 第六章 --- 两国在台湾问题上的矛盾 --- p.77 ; 台湾地区朝野对统一的态度:非「急独」即「拒统」 --- p.79 ; 中国大陆对两岸统一的看法:反对「台独」 --- p.84 ; 两岸对统一所持的态度:「急统」对「拒统」 --- p.85 ; 中国大陆国内政治发展的影响:以人民解放军的角色为例 --- p.86 ; 台湾地区对美国的重要性 --- p.90 ; 略论美国对台政策的本质 --- p.92 ; 中国大陆对美国跟台湾当局有特殊联系一事的态度 --- p.94 ; 对美国的反应:统一的障碍? --- p.95 ; 结语 --- p.97 ; Chapter 第七章 --- 两国公众的彼此观感 --- p.98 ; 研究方法 --- p.99 ; 美国的情况 --- p.99 ; 中国的情况 --- p.100 ; 美国公众对华看法述略 --- p.101 ; 中国公众对美看法述略 --- p.106 ; 结语 --- p.108 ; Chapter 第八章 --- 两国领导层的彼此观感 --- p.110 ; 研究方法 --- p.110 ; 美国领导层对中国的看法 --- p.111 ; 中国领导层对美国的看法 --- p.116 ; 其它国家的近似历史经验 --- p.120 ; 结语 --- p.121 ; Chapter 第九章 --- 结论 --- p.123 ; 参考资料 --- p.128

"英國蓝皮書一九三九年雜類第九種(譯本)." ; 英国政府印鑄局認可譯印發行. ; Translated from English, original title not known. ; "Yingguo lan pi shu yi jiu san jiu nian za lei di jiu zhong (yi ben)." ; Yingguo zheng fu Yin zhu ju ren ke yi yin fa xing.

by Chau Ho Wai. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 134-140). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; ACKNOWLEDGMENTS --- p.iv ; LIST OF TABLES --- p.v ; ABBREVIATIONS --- p.vi ; CHAPTER ; Chapter ONE --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- The Question: How the civil-military relations evolved during the post-Deng era? ; Chapter 1.2 --- The Case of the 1996 Taiwan Straits Crisis ; Chapter 1.3 --- Framework: Allison's Model of Decision-Making ; Chapter 1.4 --- Data and Organization ; Chapter TWO --- LITERATURE REVIEW --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Non-Communist Regimes ; Chapter 2.2 --- Communist Regimes ; Chapter 2.3 --- Post-Communist World ; Chapter 2.4 --- Military Politics in China ; Chapter THREE --- INSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF PLA: FROM DENG TO POST-DENG ERA --- p.34 ; Chapter 3.1 --- PLA in the Deng Era ; Chapter 3.2 --- PLA in the Post-Deng Era ; Chapter 3.3 --- "Professionalization, Differentiation and Institutionalization" ; Chapter FOUR --- ORGANIZATIONAL INTERESTS OF PLA IN THE TAIWAN STRAITS CRISIS --- p.64 ; Chapter 4.1 --- The War Games and the Policy Handle ; Chapter 4.2 --- Employing the Organizational Process Model ; Chapter 4.3 --- Organizational Interests and Demands of the PLA ; Chapter 4.4 --- Information Processing of the PLA ; Chapter 4.5 --- Resource Acquisitions of the PLA ; Chapter FIVE --- BRINGING THE PLA INTERESTS INTO GOVERNMENTAL POLITICS --- p.100 ; Chapter 5.1 --- Employing the Governmental Politics Model ; Chapter 5.2 --- Perspectives of Jiang Zemin and PLA on the Taiwan Question ; Chapter 5.3 --- Political Pulls and Hauls in the Taiwan Straits Crisis ; Chapter 5.4 --- Legitimacy and Leadership Succession ; Chapter SIX --- CONCLUSION --- p.126 ; Chapter 6.1 --- Summary of Findings ; Chapter 6.2 --- Prospects of Future Research ; BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.134

決定美國外交政策的因素是多樣的,有國內因素與國外因素。概括而言,影響其外交決策的國內政治力量有總統、國務院及國務卿,國防部、國會,利益集團同媒體等等,而上述各個權力體都會受到公眾輿論的限制。可以說,公眾輿論是美國這個民主政體的外交行為不可忽視的影響力量。早至上世紀中葉,以沃爾特李普曼為代表的一批國際關係專家曾掀起研究公眾輿論的熱潮,李普曼、阿爾蒙德等持現實主義理論的學者認為公眾輿論不具有穩定性和理性,其情緒化,變幻莫測還容易收到外界影響,不應影響一國的外交決策。爭鋒相對的,自由主義理論的支持者則堅持公眾有權利參與外交決策,也有能力從國家利益出發理性地參與外交問題。 ; 自由主義和現實主義理論關於公眾輿論的認識是從不同角度出發去理解公眾輿論在外交決策領域的作用,因此二者難分上下,也不分對錯,一再糾纏與兩種理論的爭鋒不利於我們瞭解美國公眾輿論和外交決策的真實關係。本研究即是從此出發點考慮,跳出理論之爭,而將研究的重點集中於分析公眾輿論是如何在具體的情境中與政府互動的。筆者將通過對1940年代這一政策調整頻繁時期《紐約時報》對華新聞報導的分析,來考察在宋美齡訪美、重慶談判、承認中華人民共和國等歷史事件中美國民眾、媒體態度的變化以及政府在其中的角色如何。本研究的創新之處則在於從小處,即《紐約時報》的新聞報導著手看公眾輿論與美國外交決策這一宏觀互動關係的具體形式,希望有助於美國政治文化的研究。 ; Over the past six decades since the founding of the People's Republic of China, our understanding of the Sino-U.S. relations has undergone considerable revisions. From the beginning of the Cold War to President Nixon's visit to China, U.S. and China had been from enemies to friends, rivals to partners, later with the rise of China as one important power of world politics as well as economy, the balance between relations of U.S. and China flows with the distinguished definition of national interests. Therefore, the images of China in American eyes were never belonged to any stable type, public opinion in the U.S. has developed many different perspectives on China. ; Public Opinion plays an interesting role in shaping U.S. foreign policy, and the academic community and political observers have repeatedly debated on elaborations of its influence. To examine whether public opinion has participated in the policy making process of U.S. diplomacy is one good way to investigate if the development and expansion of government institutions would undermine the operation of liberal democracy and infringe on personal liberties. ; In order to answer the question in how Public Opinion influences the Government in foreign policy making and how the government, the media and Public interacted, I will conduct empirical studies and News analysis to interpret the New York Times News reports concerning U.S. Foreign Policy towards China in the ...

北韓核問題引起世界各國的關注,更觸動了中國的神經。雖然,中國領導人一貫強調支持朝鮮半島無核化及希望朝鮮半島能夠保持和平穩定,但中國在處理兩次核問題的方式及舉措卻完全不同。在第一次核危機(1991至1994年)爆發時,中國主要採取不介入的政策;但在第二次核危機(2002至2005年)時,中國卻完全擺脫被動的角色,主動擔當核危機的調停者。 ; 正因為中國處理兩次北韓核問題採取完全不同的外交方針及策略,而且兩次核危機橫跨十多年的時間,無論是國際格局及中國國力也有重大的改變。因此,筆者會嘗試從東北亞的國際體系及權力分配、中國參與國際組織及多邊機制的情況和中國的身份認同及對國家利益及安全的看法這三方面去探討中國主動舉辦「六方會談」以解決第二次北韓核問題的主要原因。 ; 為了更能有效檢視研究論題,筆者也會分析中國90年代末參與的「四方會談」、中國所構建的上海合作組織及九一一事件,以評估這些中介變項對中國主動舉辦「六方會談」的影響。筆者希望能夠從是項研究去瞭解中國外交政策的走向,以評估及預測未來中國對其他國際事務的取態及方針。 ; As the North Korea Nuclear Crisis is one of the most critical security issues for China, the Chinese leaders always claim to maintain peace, prosperity, stability and a nuclear-free status on the Korean Peninsula. But in the two nuclear crises, China presented different attitudes and used different strategies to deal with this issue. ; In the first nuclear crisis (1991-1994), China served as neither a mediator nor a peacemaker, and claimed that Washington and Pyongyang should settle the dispute bilaterally. However, in the second nuclear crisis (2002-2005), China started to play a proactive role and acted as a chief mediator and an honest broker for initiating a multilateral dialogue - Six-Party Talks as a method to settle the crisis. ; Since China played different roles and used different strategies in these two nuclear crises within 10 years, this thesis aims to investigate this change and explain the reasonsfrom mainly three angles, including the power structure of Northeast Asia, China's participation in multilateral institutions, and China's self-identity and views on national interests and security. ; In order to strengthen the analysis, this thesis will also investigate the influence of the Four-Party talks, Shanghai Cooperation Organization and September 11 Attack on the initiatives of the Six-Party Talks. Through this research, the author aims to illustrate the dynamics of China's foreign policy and predict the trend of China's diplomatic behavior towards different international affairs. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed ...

In recent years, studies in the fields of both foreign policy analysis and international relations theory on China's domestic level have increased. However, these increases in studies have not been well received. Our research reviewed the related classical literature and the published literature over the past decade, seeking to find correlations among the various domestic factors and explore the progress of the operationalization of several variables. Our findings reveal that regime type and beliefs are the two variables which have been well studied in both of the fields of foreign policy analysis and international relations theory; that variables related to actors have been studied in the field of foreign policy analysis; and that new academic achievements inboth the studies have been adopted into the paradigms of international relations theory. These new developments have generally stimulated multilevel analysis in international relations. ; 近年来,国内政治层次在对外政策分析和国际关系理论两个领域的共同推动下,形成了一个要素庞多、交互复杂的知识网络体系,但却很少有研究兼顾宏观与微观双视角下去探究、梳理、整合这个知识体系。通过考察相关经典文献与近十年的研究成果,本文对国际关系研究中的国内政治解释进行类型化的分析,从宏观上寻找各要素之间的相关性,从微观上探索各变量的操作化进展。各变量在对外政策分析与国际关系理论两个领域的发展状况和深入程度存在差异,其中政体、观念等是两个领域的交互关系较深的变量,而行为体相关变量主要由对外政策分析领域推动,一些国际关系理论范式直接套用了这些研究成果。两个领域间相互推动发展的这种关系,不仅使国际关系研究不再只强调单方向、单层次的分析方法,而且互动与跨层次分析的成果也越来越丰富。

Chan Wai Shun. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 193-216). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; ABSTRACT --- p.III ; 緒論 --- p.IV ; ACKNOWLEDGEMENT --- p.V ; TABLE OF CONTENT --- p.VII ; ABBREVIATIONS / LIST OF TABLES / LISTS OF FIGURES --- p.XII ; Chapter CHAPTER 1: --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Policy Background --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Research Questions and Hypotheses --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Conceptualization of Terms --- p.8 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Thematic Framework of the Whole Dissertation --- p.11 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Methodology and Research Limitations --- p.14 ; Chapter 1.5.1 --- The Selection of Case --- p.16 ; Chapter 1.5.2 --- The Articulation of Narratives and Discourses --- p.17 ; Chapter 1.5.3 --- The Source of Narratives and Discourses --- p.18 ; Chapter 1.5.4 --- The Methodological Limitations --- p.20 ; Chapter 1.6 --- Potential Contributions --- p.21 ; Chapter 1.6.1 --- Contributions to Academic Community --- p.21 ; Chapter 1.6.2 --- Contributions to the Diplomatic Community --- p.23 ; Chapter 1.7 --- Chapter Summary and the Preview of the Dissertation --- p.24 ; Chapter CHAPTER 2: --- A THEORETICAL REVIEW ON EUROPEAN NEIGHBOURHOOD POLICY --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.1 --- IR Theories and their Application in European Neighbourhood Policy --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- Realism and its Variation --- p.26 ; Chapter 2.1.2 --- Liberal Institutionalism and Liberal Intergovernmentalism --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.1.3 --- Constructivism and its Application --- p.30 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Problems of the Traditional IR Theories --- p.34 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- The Maltreatment of Bargaining Game within EU --- p.35 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- The Maltreatment of EU Polity --- p.37 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- The Maltreatment of EU Foreign Policy --- p.38 ; Chapter 2.3 --- From IR ThEories to Policy-oriented Analysis --- p.40 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- The Enlargement Experience of the Usual Reference --- p.41 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- The Cross-pillar Characteristics of ENP ...

Cheung Mong. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 115-121). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Acknowledgements --- p.iii ; Table of Contents --- p.iv ; List of Tables and Figures --- p.vi ; Abbreviations --- p.viii ; Chapter Chapter One --- Introduction: Why Different Policy Responses in Two Similar Crises? --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Central Question --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Main Argument --- p.2 ; Chapter 1.3 --- The Layout --- p.4 ; Chapter Chapter Two --- A Theoretical Framework for Analysis: The Concept of Strategic Culture --- p.6 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Competing Explanations --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.2 --- The Theory of Strategic Culture --- p.19 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Defining Strategic Culture in this Research --- p.29 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Research Method and Data --- p.37 ; Chapter Chapter Three --- The Dual Sources of Strategic Culture in Postwar Japan --- p.39 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Paradigm in the Ruling Level: Yoshida Doctrine --- p.40 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Paradigm in the Social Level: Pacifism --- p.47 ; Chapter 3.3 --- The Interaction between the Two Paradigms on Policy --- p.52 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Summary --- p.56 ; Chapter Chapter Four --- Japan's Responses to the Gulf Crisis: The Gap of Two Paradigms (1990-91) --- p.59 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Searching for a New Identity: Four Views to Japan's Security --- p.60 ; Chapter 4.2 --- The Two Competing Paradigms in the Eve of the Gulf Crisis --- p.65 ; Chapter 4.3 --- A Strategic Cultural Explanation to the Reluctant Response on Overseas Dispatch --- p.72 ; Chapter Chapter Five --- Japan's Responses to the Anti-Terrorism War: Moving towards An Unitary Paradigm (2001) --- p.82 ; Chapter 5.1 --- "Japan's Emerging New Identity: The Notion of ""the Normal Nation""" --- p.83 ; Chapter 5.2 --- Decline of the Pacifism --- p.92 ; Chapter 5.3 --- Japan after the 911: Sending the SDF Overseas --- p.98 ; Chapter Chapter Six --- Conclusion --- p.118 ; Chapter 6.1 --- Japan Between the Pacifist Nation and ...

胡錦濤在二○一一年訪問美國是極其重要的中美外交事件,作為世界上兩個最大的經濟體,尤其在國際社會的共同命運和國家和國際經濟動盪的時刻,中美關係發揮顯著作用。 ; 本論文特別側重說明美國政府和新聞媒介如何建構胡錦濤訪問美國,並塑造為一個慶祝國際政治媒介事件,說明政府在建構新聞語霸權,且取得美國新聞媒體的合作。它最終引發了媒體社會學的問題,媒體民主問題和人文與經濟價值之間的鬥爭。 ; 這兩個國家之間日益增長的戰略和務實的關係,是突顯社會的政治背景,導致胡錦濤訪問美國作為一個媒介事件,形成一個變贏的和平競賽,以及慶祝和友好熱惰的表現。 ; 胡錦濤訪問美國以及美國電視新聞作為本研究的主要焦點,說明媒體往往採取在媒介事件中互相尊重,雙羸 ,和平和樂觀的態度。美國的電視新聞媒體會在臨鍵的時刻偏向政府。 ; Hu Jin Tao's U.S. visit in 2011 is an extremely important diplomatic event in U.S.-China relations in the past thirty years or so, which calls for bilateral and international attention, as the relations between the world's two biggest economies play a significant role in the common fate of the global community, at a time of national and international economic turmoil. ; This thesis specifically focusing on explicating the journalistic construction of Hu's U.S. visit as a historical and celebrative international political media event, a news discourse constructed out of hegemonic governmental influences and the cooperation of U.S. news media. It eventually raised media sociological questions upon the professionalism of U.S. news media in relations to U.S. foreign policy, media democracy and humanistic question over the struggle between economic pragmatism and individual freedom, especially in international integration. ; The growing strategic and pragmatic relationship between the two nations is the foregrounding social-political context that leads to the journalistic framing of the visit as a media event, a win-win peaceful contest, and an celebrative and friendly welcoming performance. And that the American TV news media tend to pay more reverence towards the government during critical historic political moment, in this case the U.S. visit by Hu. The U.S news media, with TV news as the main focus in this study, tend to adopt the ritualistic media event script in framing the visit in an respectful, peaceful and optimistic manner. There is a discursive news storyline of Hu's state visit as a win-win media event starts from the tension between the two states and then a ...

顔鳳儀. ; 論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院政治與行政學部, 1998. ; 參考文獻: leaves 127-139. ; 中英文摘要. ; Yan Fengyi. ; Chapter 第一章 --- 導言 --- p.1-6 ; Chapter 一、 --- 研究重點 --- p.2-3 ; Chapter 二、 --- 研究原因 --- p.3-4 ; Chapter 三、 --- 硏究方法 ; Chapter 甲、 --- 硏究性質 --- p.4-5 ; Chapter 乙、 --- 資料來源 --- p.5 ; Chapter 第二章 --- 評述權力均衡理論及探討基辛格 對均勢外交理念的構想 --- p.7-26 ; Chapter 一、 --- 權力均衡理論 ; Chapter 甲、 --- 現實主義學說 --- p.7-9 ; Chapter 乙、 --- 權力均衡理論槪念之釐淸 --- p.9-16 ; Chapter 二、 --- 均勢外交理念的構想 ; Chapter 甲、 --- 尼克遜與基辛格在七十年代 制定美國外交政策的關鍵角色 --- p.17-19 ; Chapter 乙、 --- 均勢外交之構想 --- p.20-26 ; Chapter 三、 --- 分析架構 --- p.26 ; Chapter 第三章 --- 歷史史實的描述 --- p.27-61 ; Chapter 一、 --- 釣魚台的歷史背景 ; Chapter 甲、 --- 一九七二年前的釣魚台歷史背景 --- p.27-33 ; Chapter 乙、 --- 九十年代的釣魚台事件 --- p.33-35 ; Chapter 二、 --- 一九七二年前的中、美、日、台的關係 ; Chapter 甲、 --- 七十年代前的中美關係 --- p.36-42 ; Chapter 乙、 --- 七十年代前的美日關係 --- p.43-49 ; Chapter 丙、 --- 七十年代前的的中日關係 --- p.50-54 ; Chapter 丁、 --- 轉變中的中、美、日關係 --- p.55-61 ; Chapter 第四章 --- 運用權力均衡槪念去剖析釣魚台事件 --- p.62-116 ; Chapter 一、 --- 美國一一「均勢體系」中的「均衡者」 --- p.62-79 ; Chapter 甲、 --- 引言 --- p.62 ; Chapter 乙、 --- 聯中制蘇 --- p.62-63 ; Chapter 丙、 --- 釣魚台事件 ; Chapter 1. --- 釣魚台對美國國防的重要性 --- p.64 ; Chapter 2. --- 安撫日本 --- p.65-66 ; Chapter 3. --- 均勢戰略考慮的長遠計謀 ; Chapter (I) --- 遏制中國 --- p.67-74 ; Chapter (II) --- 制約日本 --- p.75-77 ; Chapter 丁、 --- 小結 --- p.77-79 ; Chapter 二、 --- 日本一一「均勢體系」中的「從屬者」 --- p.80-95 ; Chapter 甲、 --- 引言 --- p.80 ; Chapter 乙、 --- 釣魚台對日本國防及經濟的重要性 --- p.80-82 ; Chapter 丙、 --- 日本謀求成爲亞洲政治及軍事大國之野心 ; Chapter 1. --- 美蘇冷戰格局下日本經濟迅速復興, 在九十年代成爲第二經濟大國 --- p.82-83 ; Chapter 2. --- 日本經濟蓬勃發展後, 日本出現謀求成爲政治大國的野心 --- p.83-84 ; Chapter 3 . --- 新保守主義思潮的興起 --- p.84-87 ; Chapter 4 . --- 日本謀求成爲政治及軍事大國的障礙 --- p.87-89 ; Chapter 5 . --- 日本明白美日同盟的重要性 --- p.89-91 ; Chapter 丁、 --- 九六年日本遏制中國時機之來臨 ; Chapter 1 . --- 《美日安保條約》的重新訂位 --- p.91-93 ; Chapter 2 . --- 橋本內閣的重組 --- p.93-94 ; Chapter 戊、 --- 小結 --- p.94-95 ; Chapter 三) --- 台灣一一「均勢體系」的「從屬者」 --- p.96-104 ; Chapter 甲、 --- 引言 --- p.96 ; Chapter 乙、 --- 七十年代台灣低調處理釣魚台事件之分析 --- p.97-98 ; Chapter 丙、 --- 九十年代台灣低調處理釣魚台事件之分析 ; Chapter 1. --- 釣魚事件牽涉了兩岸關係 --- ...

Lam Yan-wing. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2000. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves [101]-[106]). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract in English PP --- p.i-ii ; Abstract in Chinese pp --- p.iv-v ; Chapter Chapter One --- Introduction pp --- p.1-10 ; Chapter Chapter Two --- Early Life of Yanaihara Tadao and Influences on his Ideological Development pp --- p.11-26 ; Chapter Chapter Three --- Ideas of Yanaihara Tadao in Prewar and Postwar Period pp --- p.27-77 ; Chapter - --- Christianity and Socialist Ideas: Which was the Right Way to achieve the Utopian Society? ; Chapter - --- "Colonial Policies, Racial Equality and Foreign Relations" ; Chapter - --- War and Pacifism ; Chapter - --- Christianity and Japanese Tradition ; Chapter Chapter Four --- Yanaihara Tadao's Ideology and the Contemporary Situation pp --- p.78-94 ; Chapter Chapter Five --- Conclusion pp --- p.95-100 ; Bibliography

Yu Hongyuan. ; "January 2004." ; Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. ; Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. ; Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. ; Mode of access: World Wide Web. ; Abstracts in English and Chinese.

Law, Wai Hin. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 98-109). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract ; Table of Content ; List of Abbreviation ; Preface ; Chapter Chapter One --- Introduction ; Chapter 1.1 --- Aim of Study ; Chapter 1.2 --- Theoretical approach ; Chapter 1.3 --- Methodology ; Chapter 1.4 --- Significance ; Chapter Chapter Two --- Theory ; Chapter 2.1 --- International Political Economy (IPE) ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- Mainstream IPE ; Chapter 2.1.2 --- New IPE ; Chapter 2.2 --- About theorizing change of the Greater Pearl River Delta ; Chapter 2.3 --- Region ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Globalization ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- Regional integration ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- Regional integration in East Asia ; Chapter 2.3.4 --- Sub-regional integration in East Asia ; Chapter 2.4 --- National and sub-national Politics and centre-local relation: China ; Chapter 2.5 --- Summary ; Chapter Chapter Three --- Substantive Focus: the integration of the GPRD from the early 1980s to2004 ; Chapter 3.1 --- The integration of Hong Kong/Macau and the Pearl River Delta before ; Chapter 3.2 --- A period of break between 1997-2001 ; Chapter 3.3 --- A new phase of development starting from 2002 ; Chapter Chapter Four --- Evaluation of New International Political Economy ; Chapter Chapter Five --- Conclusion