During the Cold War, the Philippines was an indispensable US ally, and this was still basically the case at the turn of the 21st century. However, the inauguration of President Rodrigo Duterte in June 2016 heralded great changes for the international position of the Philippines: a shift towards China and Russia occurred, followed by the emergence of a more balanced foreign policy. The partnership with the US has changed, too: during the Obama administration, the relationship between the two countries became cooler, although the foundations of the alliance were never contested. In the wake of Donald Trump's assumption of office in January 2017, the alliance seems to have become as strong as before, and economic as well as security-military cooperation has continued. The author's aim is to analyze the Philippines' position in the US-led world order from 1945 to the present, as well as the foundations of the United States–Philippines special relationship. After that the main components of Duterte's "independent" foreign policy and the fundamental changes in the Philippines' foreign relations are presented. The analysis focuses on the causes of the conflict at the end of Barack Obama's presidency, followed by the improving partnership during the Trump era and the main geopolitical challenges the alliance has had to face. According to its conclusion the US–Philippines security cooperation will remain strong under Presidents Duterte and Trump due to strategic considerations, which indicate the military alliance is in the interests of both nations.
This paper is aimed at analysing the impact of the crisis of the liberal international order on the transatlantic relations. Both the EU and the US have vital interest to maintain the existing international order, however regarding certain foreign policy goals we witness an increasingly divergent approach to world politics. This is the case with the Middle East, where the EU acts as a global player based on historical ties, while the United States have recently started a gradual disengagement from the region. The so-called post-American Middle East have its own opportunities as well as challenges for the European diplomacy. This article focuses on the differences between the EU and the US foreign policy goals related to the Middle East. It primarily addresses the Iranian nuclear program and the Middle East Peace Plan recently launched by the US. The author argues despite some differences in interests, the EU and the US do not perceive the region in an entirely different way.
Geopolitics as a multidisciplinary branch of social science and as a theory of foreign policy appeared on the Latin-American continent in the second half of the 1920s. The main features they include are the next: aggressive approach to the space, the continental adaption of the organic state-theory elaborated by Ratzel and Kjellen, moreover, the developed geopolitical theory was thought to be converted into practice via the growing role of the army. In all Latin- American countries the armed forces and their various institutions became the scientific centre of elaborating the new attitude to the international relations as a theory. When the army az an institution assumed the political power, however, it was given an opportunity to put these theories into practice. With the definition of the constant and conjuntural national goals those countries of the vast territories aimed at both re-determination of their international economic and political positions and solving their problems connected with their own inner space. Therefore the regional transitions, the settling in the rarely- populated areas, the usage of sources of raw material and reserves, the control of transport and communication network of international significance and obtaining the influence over the new territories were the problems that in many of those countries came to the front. On the Latin-American continent the geopolitical schools with important theo-retical background were established in Argentina, Brazil and Chile. In this study we are going to introduce the Chilean geopolitical theory and practice established by generals Ramon Cañas Montalva and Augusto Pinochet. Apart from the theoretical outlines we will analyse the Chilean attitude to the possession of the Beagle-channel, The Drake-passage and the Magellan-strait and the Antarctic. ; Geopolitics as a multidisciplinary branch of social science and as a theory of foreign policy appeared on the Latin-American continent in the second half of the 1920s. The main features they include are the next: aggressive approach to the space, the continental adaption of the organic state-theory elaborated by Ratzel and Kjellen, moreover, the developed geopolitical theory was thought to be converted into practice via the growing role of the army. In all Latin- American countries the armed forces and their various institutions became the scientific centre of elaborating the new attitude to the international relations as a theory. When the army az an institution assumed the political power, however, it was given an opportunity to put these theories into practice. With the definition of the constant and conjuntural national goals those countries of the vast territories aimed at both re-determination of their international economic and political positions and solving their problems connected with their own inner space. Therefore the regional transitions, the settling in the rarely- populated areas, the usage of sources of raw material and reserves, the control of transport and communication network of international significance and obtaining the influence over the new territories were the problems that in many of those countries came to the front. On the Latin-American continent the geopolitical schools with important theo-retical background were established in Argentina, Brazil and Chile. In this study we are going to introduce the Chilean geopolitical theory and practice established by generals Ramon Cañas Montalva and Augusto Pinochet. Apart from the theoretical outlines we will analyse the Chilean attitude to the possession of the Beagle-channel, The Drake-passage and the Magellan-strait and the Antarctic.
The aim of this study is to present the main events in the Hungarian-Serbian economic relations during the last two decades by summarizing the most important moments, their causes and consequences. After the fall of Milošević, it was necessary to re-establish the contractual relationship between the two countries and the corporate relationships terminated during the embargo. After the very promising start, the assassination of the Serbian prime minister, the constant domestic political crises, the government unwilling to make closer contacts, and according to the European standards the closed society of Serbia at that time, hasn't become a political or economic ally of Hungary. In the time when the world economic conditions were in favour of overall development of bilateral economic relations. However the global economic crisis and recession has brought back not only the willingness to invest in Hungary, but also the bilateral trade. The historic reconciliation following the slow political rapprochement in 2014, has made the breakthrough, and contributed not only to the better enforcement of the Hungarian economic interests, but also to the prosperity of Hungarians in their native country, in Serbia. The Hungarian government is supporting Serbia's EU integration process and in all foreign policy issues. As the result of this approach, there are no open questions between Budapest and Belgrade. The preconditions for the constant evolution of the economic relations without special support were the political gestures and friendly attitude of the two governments regarding the earlier sensitive questions and the national issues.
During the Hungarian EU Presidency the Western Balkan has been a priority in the forefont of the Hungarian and European foreign policy. Nowadays we should notice that their is a new, developing subsystem in the Balkan area, where Hungary will be play an important role. Our relationship with the region is identified by the past connections, with other ethnic groups situations (especially on the Serbian-Hungarian relations) and the fact that Hungary could become a facilitator Euro-Atlantic integration, which seems to be the only solution for the region. The task of politics is to create the opportunities in the area of permanent and effective presence, and ensuring the institutions and provide the experience of integration by experts. In the present study, we undertake an analysis of cooperation in different scenes, with particular attention to the economy, which are related to the Western Balkans, such as Serbia, Croatia, Montenegro, Macedonia.
The prior aim of the paper is to present the next station of the enlargement process of the European Union, the chances and challenges of the Croatian accession after the democratic transformation. The study is about to investigate how an old-and-new state is searching for its identity, and what a bumpy road does it have to cope with in order to get to be part of the European space. Two phases of the whole integration process could be separated. The first term is from the declaration of independence (26 June 1991) till the death of president Franjo Tudjman (10 Dec 1999), when beyond building a democratic country and state, Croatia also tried to identify and manage the priorities of its independent foreign policy. The next phase is mainly characterised by the development and deepening of relations between the EU and Croatia from the death of the president on, when the substantial investigations started between Croatia and the European Union, and are still in progress.
A publikáció felhívja a figyelmet a világgazdaságban létező gazdasági erőközpontok és a hozzájuk kapcsolódó peremterületek gazdasági szimbiózisának működési mechanizmusára. A centrum-periféria modellek segítségével mutatja be a gazdasági központok és perifériáik kapcsolatát, elemezi e régiók fejlődéséhez vezető okokat, az egymáshoz kötődő gazdasági kapcsolataikat. A cikk az Európai Unió központjának és perifériájának fejlődésére összpontosít, megvizsgálva e régiók gazdasági fejlődésének történelmi hátterét, hangsúlyozva az ipari forradalom jelentőségét Nyugat-Európában. A tanulmány kitér a német migrációs politika bemutatására a II. világháború végétől napjainkig. Elemezi a német statisztikai hivatal adatait, és bemutatja a Németországban élő külföldi népesség számának és arányának változását a 20. század második felében. A német migrációs politika ismertetése során a bevándorlási szabályok enyhítésének változását vizsgálja kitérve a 2015-ös migrációs válság hatásaira. A cikk bemutatja a német kormány előtt álló kihívásokat és a bevándorlók beilleszkedésének nehézségeit, a külföldi állampolgárok németországi kulturális hátterét, az egyes nemzetiségek számát és arányát a német társadalomban. A kiadvány a közép-európai államok gazdasági együttműködési rendszerén keresztül meghatározza a közép-európai feldolgozóipari központ államait és gazdasági szerepét az Európai Unióban, valamint rávilágít, hogy Németország a közép-európai régió gazdasági központja, amely beruházásai és termelési kapacitásainak bővítése révén meghatározza a visegrádi országok gazdasági fejlődését, és egy sajátos gazdasági centrum periféria kapcsolatrendszer kiépítéséhez vezet. The center-periphery models show the relationship between the economic centers and its periphery in the geographical area, analyze the reasons leading to the development and development of these regions and illustrate their economic relations with each other. The publication focuses on the development of the center and periphery of the European Union, examining the historical background of the economic development of these regions, emphasizing the importance of the industrial revolution in Western Europe. The aim of the study is to present the German migration policy from the end of the World War II to the present. It analyzes the data of the German statistical office and shows the changing of the number and proportion of foreign population living in Germany in the second half of the 20th century. During the presentation of the German migration policy discusses the study the process of easing immigration rules and the migration crisis in 2015. The article presents the challenges faced by the German government and the difficulties of integrating immigrants. It discusses the different cultural backgrounds of foreign citizens in Germany, lists the proportion of each nationality within German society. The publication describes the economic co-operation system of the Central European states and defines the states and economic role of the Central European manufacturing core in the European Union. The publication states that Germany is the economic center of the Central European region, which also determines the economic development of the Visegrad countrys by introducing production capacities.
