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This paper aims to review the existing debate on the relations between national and European levels in the EU and identify existing gaps. It aims at showing the current compartelization of the academic debate and suggesting a possible remedy. It discusses the current trends in Europeanization studies and shows that one of the dimensions (bottom-up) remains understudied. Similarly, the concept has been applied in the area of foreign policy in a very limited way to the detriment of our understanding of reality. Following these findings, the article suggests, firstly, that the relationship between the adjustment to European integration and the ability to pursue one's interest should be studied, both in terms of form and results, and, secondly, that foreign policy should be included in this research framework. ; This paper aims to review the existing debate on the relations between national and European levels in the EU and identify existing gaps. It aims at showing the current compartelization of the academic debate and suggesting a possible remedy. It discusses the current trends in Europeanization studies and shows that one of the dimensions (bottom-up) remains understudied. Similarly, the concept has been applied in the area of foreign policy in a very limited way to the detriment of our understanding of reality. Following these findings, the article suggests, firstly, that the relationship between the adjustment to European integration and the ability to pursue one's interest should be studied, both in terms of form and results, and, secondly, that foreign policy should be included in this research framework.

The image of the social scientist as a stranger is well known. However, there are different approaches to the notion of the stranger in sociology. A comparison of Schutz's & Simmel's conceptions of the stranger enables us to distinguish two forms of fieldwork used in the project Transitional Processes. The social anthropological approach strives to avoid intrusive interventions into the research area. The so-called heuristic investigation uses intentional interventions. Both approaches bring some opportunities & threats especially in the case of cooperation with a scholar who is native to the studied locality. The local researcher can overstep his ethnocentrism thanks to the teamwork. On the other hand, collaboration with strangers may disrupt his loyalty to his ingroup.

On the basis of the analysis of news content from 2008 to 2012, we describe in this article the tendencies of Czech media in dealing with foreign policy topics, using a combination of quantitative content analysis and qualitative case studies of selected foreign policy events. Both quantitative and qualitative analyses demonstrate that the coverage of political events in the media is highly personalised and viewed through the prism of the personal or political interests of Czech political elites and the conflicts between them. As concerns the diversity of the actors presented and topics covered, the Czech media produce a considerably restricted and more or less uniform stream of news commented upon by a relatively limited spectrum of actors, mainly Czech politicians. For non-political, non-governmental, and international actors, access to the debate is considerably limited. The print media tends to present major political events as power-based conflicts between individuals or groups, rather than as negotiations about public affairs supported by substantive arguments. In effect, Habermas's classical vision of the role of mass media in democracy, which is to promote rational discussion as a desirable form of public debate, is replaced with persuasion through emotional appeal, which has been widely criticised. At the same time, however, some theoretical traditions see it more positively as a less restrictive form of public discourse. ; On the basis of the analysis of news content from 2008 to 2012, we describe in this article the tendencies of Czech media in dealing with foreign policy topics, using a combination of quantitative content analysis and qualitative case studies of selected foreign policy events. Both quantitative and qualitative analyses demonstrate that the coverage of political events in the media is highly personalised and viewed through the prism of the personal or political interests of Czech political elites and the conflicts between them. As concerns the diversity of the actors presented and ...

The aim of the paper is to analyse the impact of political instability on inflow of foreign direct investments (FDI) in transition economies (CEE, Balkan and Post-Soviet countries). Regarding standard indexes of political instability, there is a shortage of data within the selected sample of countries. Therefore, we propose alternative proxies for political instability. Furthermore, we distinguish between two types of political instability being omitted in thematic literature: elite (minority or weak governments) and non-elite (violent protests, civil wars, coups). The paper provides two-step empirical analysis: correlation analysis and regression models using standard OLS. Both analyses compare the effect of selected proxies for political instability on inflow of FDI and FDI per capita. In summary, it is not possible to prove the effect of political instability on inflow of FDI in transition countries in unambiguous way. Despite it, a few statistically significant variables seem to be perspective for future research; subindex Political Stability within Governance Matters by the Word Bank and Group Grievance within Failed State Index by the Fund for Peace (non-elite); Herfindahl Index Government and a dummy for (non)presence of parliament election (elite).

Enthält den Text außerdem in tschechischer Spr. u.d.T.: Promyslet Evropu. Konference na Prazskem hrade 6-8 zari 2001

The foreign policy of the European Union is usually perceived as being significantly different from the common conception of modern foreign policy of sovereign nation states. In this article we will construct two models of foreign policy & confront them with current EU external relations. Firstly we shall look at the modern foreign policy model based on a neorealist approach. Secondly we shall examine its post-modern alternative that draws its inspiration from the post-structuralism of Jacques Derrida. The comparison is focused on three dimensions: the actor representing the foreign policy; his primary goal; & the key principles invoked in interactions with other actors. We conclude that the EU foreign policy cannot be sufficiently explained by neither of the two models. The large gap between the two models could probably be filled by the third, liberal model of foreign policy. Adapted from the source document.

Intro -- Obsah -- Úvod -- 1. Československo‑jugoslávské styky bezprostředně před zánikem Československa -- 1. 1. Československo‑jugoslávské vztahy v období řešení sudetské otázky -- 1. 2. Československo‑jugoslávské styky od konference v Mnichově do poloviny března 1939 -- 2. Jugoslávie a Protektorát Čechy a Morava -- 2. 1. Jugoslávské ohlasy na německou okupaci Čech a Moravy -- 2. 2. Protektorát Čechy a Morava z jugoslávského pohledu -- 2. 3. Československá emigrace v Jugoslávii -- 2. 4. Jugoslávsko‑česká hospodářská spolupráce pod dozorem Německa -- 2. 5. Postoj české menšiny na jugoslávském území k Protektorátu Čechy a Morava -- 2. 6. Jugoslávští studenti v Protektorátu Čechy a Morava -- 3. Slovensko‑jugoslávské styky -- 3. 1. Jugoslávské reakce na vznik samostatného Slovenska a navázání slovensko‑jugoslávských diplomatických vztahů -- 3. 2. Slovensko‑jugoslávské politické a diplomatické vztahy -- 3. 3. Postoj příslušníků slovenské menšiny v Jugoslávii vůči Slovensku -- 3. 4. Slovensko‑jugoslávská hospodářská spolupráce -- 3. 5. Pokusy o navázání slovensko‑jugoslávské kulturní spolupráce a školských styků -- 4. Česko‑slovensko‑jugoslávské styky bezprostředně před okupací Jugoslávie -- 4. 1. Česko‑jugoslávské kontakty začátkem roku 1941 -- 4. 2. Slovensko‑jugoslávské styky v prvních měsících roku 1941 -- 4. 3. Postoj československo‑exilových, protektorátních i slovenských orgánů k politickým rozhodnutím a změnám v Jugoslávii z 25. a 27. března 1941 -- 4. 4. Jugoslávsko‑česko‑slovenské styky za dubnové války 1941 -- Závěr -- Seznam zkratek -- Prameny a literatura -- Použité archivní fondy a sbírky -- Publikované dokumenty -- Periodika -- Dobová literatura a literatura memoárového charakteru -- Syntéze, encyklopedie, sborníky prací a monografie -- Studie a články -- Internetové zdroje -- Jmenný rejstřík -- Textová příloha.

Contemporarily human rights are ranked among the most crucial foreign policy priorities in many countries. At the same time numerous states are forced to consider the human rights agenda under growing international pressure. The substance of foreign policy in the field of human rights, its intensity & instruments vary in many different aspects. The paper focuses on foreign policy in the field of human rights analysis. Its aim is to comprehend & extend prevailing methods in order to obtain an analytical scheme applicable to almost every country. To fulfill this aim it includes several steps, the most important of which are: examining the essence of analyzing foreign policy in the field of human rights as a specific part of the foreign policy agenda, introduction & elaboration of the so called Mower's apparatus, interpretation of foreign policy in the field of human rights using different levels of analysis & developing methods of its evaluation. In the end the paper summarizes the current state of research & makes some recommendations for the future. Adapted from the source document.