Suchergebnisse

The question whether the Belgian foreign policy is marked by a continuity or break between the first & second turns of Guy Verhofstadt as a prime minister of this country's governments is addressed, surveying developments in the 1999-2004 period & scrutinizing the rhetorical declarations & concrete initiatives "on the ground" by the foreign minister Louis Michel. The diplomatic style of the first & second administrations are compared, & the principles & directions of Belgian foreign policy in 2004 are assessed in the context of the state of political affairs on the global arena, with special attention to the split between the EU & US on the war in Iraq, the division inside the former vis-a-vis supporting or opposing US intervention in this Middle Eastern country, & the recent troubles the EU experiences with greater degree of political integration, projecting also into a lack of coherent, uniform foreign policy on the supranational level. Some of the major issues the Belgian foreign policy must deal in 2004 & beyond are identified: securing democratic & peaceful governance in Central Africa, responding to the anti-Belgian campaign conducted by the US, & supporting the process of strengthening the EU position as a relevant actor on the geopolitical stage. Z. Dubiel

This presentation at the conference "Buitenlandse politiek in Belgie" (The Foreign Policy in Belgium), organized by the U of Ghent & the Catholic U of Louvain & held in Ghent, 27 Mar 2002, which occasionally refers to, & comments on, David Criekemans's overview on the same topic delivered at the same venue, discusses the foreign policies formulated & pursued by the Flemish government since the region's autonomy in domestic & foreign affairs was expanded by the 1993 law reforming the Belgian state. After listing the strategical objectives of the Flemish foreign policy making, three areas of special interest into which initiatives were targeted in the 1990s & early 2000s are described: (1) international engagement within the European Union (EU), (2) multilateral relations pursued within international organizations, & (3) bilateral agreements promoting the region's culture, science, technology, & ecological & economic interests. Criekemans's treatment of these topics is mostly supported with new arguments & only occasionally contested with mild criticism or corrected with an alternative viewpoint. Z. Dubiel

The Policy of Independence. The Background of a Crucial Phrase in Dutch Foreign Policy 1900-1940The phrase 'policy of independence' was coined by the Dutch Minister of Foreign Affairs Van Karnebeek after the First World War. It has aroused a lot of discussion ever since. The phrase is often portrayed as sign of a change from a passive policy of neutrality to a much more active foreign policy. In this article the use of the phrase and the question of continuity or discontinuity are raised. This is done first of all on the basis of some crucial episodes from the First World War and subsequently the Dutch policy towards the German emperor and crown prince, Belgium and the League of Nations. This contribution argues that throughout those years the Dutch government pursued a policy characterized by activity and adopted an attitude that adhered to international law. Even before 1914 this approach was referred to as 'independent'. Thereafter, Van Karnebeek coined the phrase 'policy of independence' to give expression to this prevailing attitude.

De Wetenschappelijke Raad voor het Regeringsbeleid (WRR) bepleit in zijn rapport Aan het buitenland gehecht een nieuwe aanpak van het buitenlandbeleid. De wereld om ons heen is onderhevig aan veranderende machtsverhoudingen, wordt bevolkt door andere spelers dan in het verleden, en wordt gekenmerkt door een sterkere verknoping van nationale en internationale vraagstukken. Dit vraagt om nieuwe antwoorden, om een heroriëntatie op het buitenlandbeleid. Het rapport wordt op 30 november namens de regering in ontvangst genomen door de minister van Buitenlandse Zaken, dr. U. Rosenthal. Het rapport st

The foreign policy of the current Belgian government led by the prime minister Guy Verhofstadt, with Louis Michel as the foreign minister, is evaluated, focusing on the country's active stance on the economic & political integration of the European countries & peaceful resolution of conflicts in Central Africa. Belgium's unwavering support & relentless efforts on behalf of the European Union (EU) intensified even more as the country assumed the organization's chairmanship in May 2001, & Michel's personal involvement & physical presence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Zaire) & the Great Lakes region (Rwanda & Burundi) testify to the shift by the current government toward proactive diplomacy by Belgium toward its former colony & trust territory. The ethical dimension of Belgian foreign policy is noted, mentioning the country position on human rights, support for the International Tribunal in the Hague, & the moral prerogatives followed in the Pinochet, Haider, & Berlusconi controversies. It is observed, however, that many of the country's initiatives abroad may be undercut by the government unwillingness to back its policies with foreign economic aid. Adapted from the source document.

It is hypothesized that a subordinate position in the international goods & capital markets retards economic development. A model of relationships among trade dependency, stock of foreign capital, flow of foreign capital, state strength, level of economic dependency, & economic growth is formulated, & estimated for a sample of 94 nations. Multiple regression analysis identifies: a strong curvilinear relationship between level of economic development & economic growth; a positive effect of flow of foreign capital on economic growth; a negative effect of stock of foreign capital on economic growth; weak interaction effects of intensity of trade & structure of trade on economic growth; & no effect of state strength on economic growth. 2 Tables, 3 Appendixes, 60 References. Modified HA

In a globalized world the "foreign" aspect is getting more and more important. Despite the much talked about pros and cons, this also means that a number of unforeseen challenges should be met. Karel De Gucht, Belgium's Minister of Foreign Affairs, proposes ten theses regarding preparation and coordination of policies, civic service, communication and public diplomacy, qualification and education of its personal, a network of posts abroad, supportive material and services (informatics and security mainly). References. O. van Zijl

J.C.H. Blom, P. Romijn, Srebrenica, een 'veilig' gebied. Reconstructie, achtergronden, gevolgen en analyses van de val van een Safe Area, I, II, III, Bootsma, P., ed. D.C.L. Schoonoord, Dutchbat III en de bevolking. Medische aangelegenheden. Bevoorrading door de lucht C. Wiebes, Intelligence en de oorlog in Bosnië, 1992-1995. De rol van de inlichtingen- en veiligheidsdiensten B. Naarden, Beeld en Balkan. Waarneming en werkelijkheid in Zuidoost-Europa G. Duijzings, Geschiedenis en herinnering in Oost-Bosnië. De achtergronden van de val van Srebrenica. Thorough and balanced? A closer look at the NIOD report, J. W. L. BrouwerThis vast report contains many interesting chapters, notably on the fall of the Srebrenica enclave and the minor political scandals that subsequently erupted in the Netherlands. Unfortunately, the report was published in such haste that editing errors abound. This does not make the reporteasy reading. Furthermore, there are a number of contradictions between the conclusions in the first part and the final conclusions. Lastly, the strong condemnation of Dutch diplomacy in 1991-1993 and, in particular, the denunciation of the Foreign Minister, Mr Van den Broek, is inconsistent with the stated intentions of the authors to refrain from making any political judgements.