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Although social scientists have examined how political speeches may help forge and/or shape collective memories, they have done so with little to no input from psychologists. We address this deficit, demonstrating how a modified version of a well-established and empirically derived psychological phenomenon – socially shared retrieval-induced forgetting – helps explain the mnemonic consequences associated with political speeches, in this case, the Belgian King's 2012 summer speech. To this end, we analyzed the responses of 43 French-speakers and 49 Dutch-speakers. Of these individuals 35 of them attended to the speech (16 French-speakers; 19 Dutch-speakers). Our results suggest that the Belgian King's speech induced French-speaking Belgians who attended the speech to recall less information related to what the King mentioned in the speech. We found no such deficit for Dutch-speaking Belgians. Rather, the Dutch-speaking Belgians exhibited greater recall of related and unrelated information. These results bolster the importance of including a psychological approach in the study of collective memories and the moderating role of social identity. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

ABTRACTOur doctoral thesis is a critical reading of the traditional intelligibility of the Haitian society which includes it in the relationship where its being is determined by the slave colony. The postcolonial subject is a self-chained subject, self-destructive and not emancipated one, because his subjectivity is produced by the coloniality. Beyond this interpretation, we hypothesize that the Haitian Revolution can be interpreted as a decolonial scene whose repetition can be verified in History and whose radicality can be found in an exigency of emancipating citizenship. Its truth manifests itself in the polemical encounter with the colonial modernity. It becomes the site of an against-imaginary which would bring the detachment of the imaginary of domination and a difficult experience of foundation/beginning which must be analyzed by taking into account the conflictualities. The forgetting of the citizen results of the impossible cross-road between stásis and dêmos against the social order of domination to make actual new rights in the name of equality and emancipation.The doctoral thesis is divided into three parts and nine chapters. The first part studies the othering process of the colonial subject in connection with Western subjectivity, the ambivalent forms of its claims and its self-institution not being able to self-abolition. Thesecond part analyzes the interpretation of the Revolution and the post-colonial forms of domination. The last part finds the memory of a demand of foundation and beginning. It apprehends the relationships between violence, power and conflictualities with the aim of reconfiguration of the post colonial-world.Keywords: social conflicts, Haiti — 1791-1804 (Revolution), emancipation, domination,social reprentations, Haiti ; CONFLICTUALITÉS ET POLITIQUE COMME OUBLI DU CITOYEN (HAITI)Notre thèse part de l'intelligibilité habituelle de la société haïtienne pensée dans un rapport de déterminité avec la colonie. Le sujet postcolonial est un sujet auto-enchaîné, autodestructeur et non ...

ABTRACTOur doctoral thesis is a critical reading of the traditional intelligibility of the Haitian society which includes it in the relationship where its being is determined by the slave colony. The postcolonial subject is a self-chained subject, self-destructive and not emancipated one, because his subjectivity is produced by the coloniality. Beyond this interpretation, we hypothesize that the Haitian Revolution can be interpreted as a decolonial scene whose repetition can be verified in History and whose radicality can be found in an exigency of emancipating citizenship. Its truth manifests itself in the polemical encounter with the colonial modernity. It becomes the site of an against-imaginary which would bring the detachment of the imaginary of domination and a difficult experience of foundation/beginning which must be analyzed by taking into account the conflictualities. The forgetting of the citizen results of the impossible cross-road between stásis and dêmos against the social order of domination to make actual new rights in the name of equality and emancipation.The doctoral thesis is divided into three parts and nine chapters. The first part studies the othering process of the colonial subject in connection with Western subjectivity, the ambivalent forms of its claims and its self-institution not being able to self-abolition. Thesecond part analyzes the interpretation of the Revolution and the post-colonial forms of domination. The last part finds the memory of a demand of foundation and beginning. It apprehends the relationships between violence, power and conflictualities with the aim of reconfiguration of the post colonial-world.Keywords: social conflicts, Haiti — 1791-1804 (Revolution), emancipation, domination,social reprentations, Haiti ; CONFLICTUALITÉS ET POLITIQUE COMME OUBLI DU CITOYEN (HAITI)Notre thèse part de l'intelligibilité habituelle de la société haïtienne pensée dans un rapport de déterminité avec la colonie. Le sujet postcolonial est un sujet auto-enchaîné, autodestructeur et non ...

ABTRACTOur doctoral thesis is a critical reading of the traditional intelligibility of the Haitian society which includes it in the relationship where its being is determined by the slave colony. The postcolonial subject is a self-chained subject, self-destructive and not emancipated one, because his subjectivity is produced by the coloniality. Beyond this interpretation, we hypothesize that the Haitian Revolution can be interpreted as a decolonial scene whose repetition can be verified in History and whose radicality can be found in an exigency of emancipating citizenship. Its truth manifests itself in the polemical encounter with the colonial modernity. It becomes the site of an against-imaginary which would bring the detachment of the imaginary of domination and a difficult experience of foundation/beginning which must be analyzed by taking into account the conflictualities. The forgetting of the citizen results of the impossible cross-road between stásis and dêmos against the social order of domination to make actual new rights in the name of equality and emancipation.The doctoral thesis is divided into three parts and nine chapters. The first part studies the othering process of the colonial subject in connection with Western subjectivity, the ambivalent forms of its claims and its self-institution not being able to self-abolition. Thesecond part analyzes the interpretation of the Revolution and the post-colonial forms of domination. The last part finds the memory of a demand of foundation and beginning. It apprehends the relationships between violence, power and conflictualities with the aim of reconfiguration of the post colonial-world.Keywords: social conflicts, Haiti — 1791-1804 (Revolution), emancipation, domination,social reprentations, Haiti ; CONFLICTUALITÉS ET POLITIQUE COMME OUBLI DU CITOYEN (HAITI)Notre thèse part de l'intelligibilité habituelle de la société haïtienne pensée dans un rapport de déterminité avec la colonie. Le sujet postcolonial est un sujet auto-enchaîné, autodestructeur et non émancipé par le fait que sa subjectivité serait produite par la colonialité. Par-delà ce schéma, nous émettons l'hypothèse que la Révolution haïtienne de 1804 peut être pensée comme une scène décoloniale dont la répétition peut être vérifiée dans l'Histoire et la radicalité susceptible de fonder une citoyenneté émancipatrice. Sa vérité se déploie dans une rencontre polémique avec la modernité. Elle devient le site d'un contre-imaginaire qui produit le détachement de l'imaginaire de la domination et une expérience de fondation et de commencement qui doit être étudiée en lien avec les conflictualités. L'oubli du citoyen vient de l'impossible croisement de la stásis et du dêmos contre l'ordre social de domination pour rendre effectifs de nouveaux droits face aux potentats au nom de l'égalité et de l'émancipation. La thèse est divisée en trois parties et neuf chapitres. La première partie traite du procès d'altérisation du sujet colonial en lien avec la subjectivité occidentale, les formes ambivalentes de ses revendications et de son auto-institution sans pouvoir s'auto-abolir. La deuxième aborde la question de l'interprétation de la Révolution et les formes de domination post-coloniale. La dernière partie retrouve la mémoire d'une exigence de fondation et de commencement au regard de l'idée de scène décoloniale porteuse d'une brèche-anarchique. Elle appréhende ensuite les rapports entre violence, pouvoir et conflictualités au regard d'une reconfiguration décoloniale du monde.

The reciprocal functions of forgetting and memory. The example of perinatal mourning

This article gives an account of a clinical observation of perinatal mourning. Men and women affected by the loss of a child express their feelings in discussion groups set up to help them. Traditional, paternalistic medicine tended to ignore this event. However, in the 1990s, the discourse on care focused on reifying the stillborn child. There are therefore contradictory trends either in favour of forgetting or its contrary, remembering. What the participants say in the discussion groups enables us to highlight the psychological phases involved in renouncing the object and in particular guilt associated with forgetting. Indeed, forgetting can be seen as abandoning before it is really considered as the moment when loss is accepted. The work of remembering turns out to be a phase which encourages the integration of loss and therefore the possibility of forgetting in the meaning of "no longer thinking about it".

Collective memory and constructing the act of forgetting among Alevi Kurds of Dersim origin

In host countries, Turkish immigration has given rise to ethnic and cultural particularities which were eclipsed during the genesis of the Turkish state. This article more specifically focuses on the history of migrant Kurds, who were political refugees, and their successors in France. It is based on more than 5 years of an ethnographical undertaking by Kurdish and Alevi families originally from Dersim but now living in France, and their associations, with a view to understanding not only social and cultural practices, but also the different features and usages of their memories, which reveal how the act of forgetting is constructed in the Diaspora. It explores the link between remembering and forgetting centred around a description of events in Dersim (1937-38) which have long been forgotten in Turkey. It demonstrates that forgetting is linked with transmission. Factors forgotten by the Alevi Kurds originally from Dersim are compared with the viewpoints of the Alevi Turks and Sunnites.

Berlin is a city that spawns an irnpressive imagery related to the history of the 20th century. Few other cities contain so many !andmarks of the great events that shaped Europe and the world. From the ruins of the past century, Berlin is now trying to set itself up as German capital, center of political and economic power, which embodies the German democracy that sees itself as modest and exemplary. The collapse of the Wall is an event that has undoubtedly led to a break of intelligibility for those who lived within it. However much it opens de facto new prospects for the future, this break of intelligibility also foreshadows a radically new relationship with history. ln reunified Germany and especially in Berlin a large scale job of reevaluation of the past has begun, airning at bringing sense to the new historica~ political, economie and social order born from 1989. The treatrnent of the high places of communism, which takes place in conjunction with an extensive work on the past of the GDR, addresses multiple requirements formulated in political and economie terms as weil as in terms of identity. It is important to understand both how the construction of official narratives of the communist pastis part of an overall dyoamic of incorporation and of registration of narratives of the new Germany in the urban space of the capita~ and to pa y special attention to the reception of these reconstructions of the past within the 11public arena" in Berlin How does a common history of the GDR take shape? And how, in turn, do alternative narratives of the city and its past contradict the interpretations sometimes homogenizing proposed by the "New Berlin"? ; Berlin est une ville qui suscite un nombre impressionnant d'images liées à l'histoire du 20eme siècle. Rares sont les villes qui condensent autant d'empreintes dans lesquelles on peut lire les grands événements qui marquèrent l'Europe et le monde. Sur les ruines du siècle passé, Berlin tente aujourd'hui de s'ériger en capitale allemande, un centre du pouvoir politique et économique, la ville reflet d'une démocratie allemande qui se veut modeste et exemplaire. La chute du Mur est un événement qui, pour ses contemporains, a sans conteste débouché sur une rupture d'intelligibilité. Si elle ouvre de facto de nouvelles perspectives à venir, cette rupture d'intelligibilité n'en préfigure pas moins un rapport radicalement nouveau au passé. En Allemagne réunifiée, et plus particulièrement à Berlin, un vaste travail de réévaluation des passés s'est amorcé, ayant pour objectif de combler de sens la nouvelle donne née de l'événement 1989. Le traitement des hauts-lieux du communisme, qui s'effectue de concert avec un vaste travail sur le passé de la RDA, répond à de multiples exigences qui se déclinent en termes politiques, identitaires et économiques. Il importe à la fois de comprendre comment la construction de récits officiels du passé communiste s'inscrit dans une dynamique globale de constitution et 'inscription de récits nationaux de la nouvelle Allemagne dans l'espace urbain de la capitale, et de porter une attention particulière à la réception de ces reconstructions du passé au sein des "publics" berlinois. Comment des références communes à la RDA se construisent-elles? Et comment, en retour, des récits alternatifs de la ville et de ses passés viennent-ils s'opposer aux interprétations, parfois homogénéisantes, que propose le« Nouveau Berlin»?

Berlin is a city that spawns an irnpressive imagery related to the history of the 20th century. Few other cities contain so many !andmarks of the great events that shaped Europe and the world. From the ruins of the past century, Berlin is now trying to set itself up as German capital, center of political and economic power, which embodies the German democracy that sees itself as modest and exemplary. The collapse of the Wall is an event that has undoubtedly led to a break of intelligibility for those who lived within it. However much it opens de facto new prospects for the future, this break of intelligibility also foreshadows a radically new relationship with history. ln reunified Germany and especially in Berlin a large scale job of reevaluation of the past has begun, airning at bringing sense to the new historica~ political, economie and social order born from 1989. The treatrnent of the high places of communism, which takes place in conjunction with an extensive work on the past of the GDR, addresses multiple requirements formulated in political and economie terms as weil as in terms of identity. It is important to understand both how the construction of official narratives of the communist pastis part of an overall dyoamic of incorporation and of registration of narratives of the new Germany in the urban space of the capita~ and to pa y special attention to the reception of these reconstructions of the past within the 11public arena" in Berlin How does a common history of the GDR take shape? And how, in turn, do alternative narratives of the city and its past contradict the interpretations sometimes homogenizing proposed by the "New Berlin"? ; Berlin est une ville qui suscite un nombre impressionnant d'images liées à l'histoire du 20eme siècle. Rares sont les villes qui condensent autant d'empreintes dans lesquelles on peut lire les grands événements qui marquèrent l'Europe et le monde. Sur les ruines du siècle passé, Berlin tente aujourd'hui de s'ériger en capitale allemande, un centre du pouvoir politique et économique, la ville reflet d'une démocratie allemande qui se veut modeste et exemplaire. La chute du Mur est un événement qui, pour ses contemporains, a sans conteste débouché sur une rupture d'intelligibilité. Si elle ouvre de facto de nouvelles perspectives à venir, cette rupture d'intelligibilité n'en préfigure pas moins un rapport radicalement nouveau au passé. En Allemagne réunifiée, et plus particulièrement à Berlin, un vaste travail de réévaluation des passés s'est amorcé, ayant pour objectif de combler de sens la nouvelle donne née de l'événement 1989. Le traitement des hauts-lieux du communisme, qui s'effectue de concert avec un vaste travail sur le passé de la RDA, répond à de multiples exigences qui se déclinent en termes politiques, identitaires et économiques. Il importe à la fois de comprendre comment la construction de récits officiels du passé communiste s'inscrit dans une dynamique globale de constitution et 'inscription de récits nationaux de la nouvelle Allemagne dans l'espace urbain de la capitale, et de porter une attention particulière à la réception de ces reconstructions du passé au sein des "publics" berlinois. Comment des références communes à la RDA se construisent-elles? Et comment, en retour, des récits alternatifs de la ville et de ses passés viennent-ils s'opposer aux interprétations, parfois homogénéisantes, que propose le« Nouveau Berlin»?

Berlin is a city that spawns an irnpressive imagery related to the history of the 20th century. Few other cities contain so many !andmarks of the great events that shaped Europe and the world. From the ruins of the past century, Berlin is now trying to set itself up as German capital, center of political and economic power, which embodies the German democracy that sees itself as modest and exemplary. The collapse of the Wall is an event that has undoubtedly led to a break of intelligibility for those who lived within it. However much it opens de facto new prospects for the future, this break of intelligibility also foreshadows a radically new relationship with history. ln reunified Germany and especially in Berlin a large scale job of reevaluation of the past has begun, airning at bringing sense to the new historica~ political, economie and social order born from 1989. The treatrnent of the high places of communism, which takes place in conjunction with an extensive work on the past of the GDR, addresses multiple requirements formulated in political and economie terms as weil as in terms of identity. It is important to understand both how the construction of official narratives of the communist pastis part of an overall dyoamic of incorporation and of registration of narratives of the new Germany in the urban space of the capita~ and to pa y special attention to the reception of these reconstructions of the past within the 11public arena" in Berlin How does a common history of the GDR take shape? And how, in turn, do alternative narratives of the city and its past contradict the interpretations sometimes homogenizing proposed by the "New Berlin"? ; Berlin est une ville qui suscite un nombre impressionnant d'images liées à l'histoire du 20eme siècle. Rares sont les villes qui condensent autant d'empreintes dans lesquelles on peut lire les grands événements qui marquèrent l'Europe et le monde. Sur les ruines du siècle passé, Berlin tente aujourd'hui de s'ériger en capitale allemande, un centre du pouvoir politique ...

Berlin is a city that spawns an irnpressive imagery related to the history of the 20th century. Few other cities contain so many !andmarks of the great events that shaped Europe and the world. From the ruins of the past century, Berlin is now trying to set itself up as German capital, center of political and economic power, which embodies the German democracy that sees itself as modest and exemplary. The collapse of the Wall is an event that has undoubtedly led to a break of intelligibility for those who lived within it. However much it opens de facto new prospects for the future, this break of intelligibility also foreshadows a radically new relationship with history. ln reunified Germany and especially in Berlin a large scale job of reevaluation of the past has begun, airning at bringing sense to the new historica~ political, economie and social order born from 1989. The treatrnent of the high places of communism, which takes place in conjunction with an extensive work on the past of the GDR, addresses multiple requirements formulated in political and economie terms as weil as in terms of identity. It is important to understand both how the construction of official narratives of the communist pastis part of an overall dyoamic of incorporation and of registration of narratives of the new Germany in the urban space of the capita~ and to pa y special attention to the reception of these reconstructions of the past within the 11public arena" in Berlin How does a common history of the GDR take shape? And how, in turn, do alternative narratives of the city and its past contradict the interpretations sometimes homogenizing proposed by the "New Berlin"? ; Berlin est une ville qui suscite un nombre impressionnant d'images liées à l'histoire du 20eme siècle. Rares sont les villes qui condensent autant d'empreintes dans lesquelles on peut lire les grands événements qui marquèrent l'Europe et le monde. Sur les ruines du siècle passé, Berlin tente aujourd'hui de s'ériger en capitale allemande, un centre du pouvoir politique et économique, la ville reflet d'une démocratie allemande qui se veut modeste et exemplaire. La chute du Mur est un événement qui, pour ses contemporains, a sans conteste débouché sur une rupture d'intelligibilité. Si elle ouvre de facto de nouvelles perspectives à venir, cette rupture d'intelligibilité n'en préfigure pas moins un rapport radicalement nouveau au passé. En Allemagne réunifiée, et plus particulièrement à Berlin, un vaste travail de réévaluation des passés s'est amorcé, ayant pour objectif de combler de sens la nouvelle donne née de l'événement 1989. Le traitement des hauts-lieux du communisme, qui s'effectue de concert avec un vaste travail sur le passé de la RDA, répond à de multiples exigences qui se déclinent en termes politiques, identitaires et économiques. Il importe à la fois de comprendre comment la construction de récits officiels du passé communiste s'inscrit dans une dynamique globale de constitution et 'inscription de récits nationaux de la nouvelle Allemagne dans l'espace urbain de la capitale, et de porter une attention particulière à la réception de ces reconstructions du passé au sein des "publics" berlinois. Comment des références communes à la RDA se construisent-elles? Et comment, en retour, des récits alternatifs de la ville et de ses passés viennent-ils s'opposer aux interprétations, parfois homogénéisantes, que propose le« Nouveau Berlin»?

Forgetting the "refusers"
The question put forward in this article is to know why so little is said about those who have refused to carry out orders in situations of mass crimes and genocide. Although several authors have observed the phenomenon which we shall here call the "refusers" in their researches, we find very few works – or none at all – on the subject and it is surprising that this issue should have been more or less systematically left by the wayside. This article discusses the potential reasons for forgetting what is nonetheless a category of key figures.

Archives and constructing the act of forgetting in political transitions

In situations of political transition following a period of violence or repression, the State can choose between refusing a difficult past or constructing the act of forgetting through several institutional means. Amongst these means, archives hold an essential place as they crystallise several functions : a probationary function in criminal proceedings against offenders of human rights and the process of awarding compensation to victims, and a function of witnessing history (the history of a nation and also myriad individual histories). The stakes are high and dictate their fate (destruction, manipulation, restricted access). As such, control of the archives is necessary. Such control is a delicate matter on a national level due to the heterogeneous nature of internal legislation, and is taken up within emerging international standards, linked to transitional justice, such as the right to know and the right to truth.

Cet article part de la supposition que la reprise de la thématique de la mémoire et de l'oubli, dans La mémoire, l'histoire, l'oubli, part d'une recherche de la "juste mémoire" dans un paysage politique français qui souffre de "boulimie commémorative," comme le dénonce Pierre Nora dans Les lieux de mémoire. Est exposée la confrontation entre une conception de la mémoire empreinte d'émotions subjectives, en opposition à la rigueur scientifique de l'histoire (Nora), et une conception de la mémoire vive comme condition transcendantale de notre relation au passé (Ricœur). Cette confrontation débouche sur l'insistance de l'aspect éthique de la politique mémorielle et des pratiques collectives d'oubli et d'amnésie. Selon Ricœur, les hypothèses de Freud sur l'élaboration du trauma et sur le travail de deuil peuvent servir de paradigme privilégié à cette entreprise qui vise une narration historique juste. ; This article begins with a presupposition regarding Ricœur's approach to memory and forgetting in Memory, History, Forgetting. His reflections on "just memory" occur within a French political landscape that suffers from "commemorative bulimia," as Pierre Nora put it in Les lieux de mémoire (Realms of Memory). The article contrasts the opposition to the import of subjective emotions from a rigorous scientific conception of memory (Nora), with living memory as the transcendental condition of our relationship to the past (Ricœur). This confrontation underscores the ethical dimension of the politics of memory and of the collective practices of forgetting and amnesia. According to Ricœur, Freud's hypotheses concerning trauma and mourning should serve as the best suited model for a task that aims for a just historical narrative.

The author presents the major topics discussed at the UMP's (Union pour un Mouvement Populaire) Defence Convention of 20 September 2011, as an illustration of the place which defence occupies in the party's programme for the presidential elections. He highlights the priorities involved, European defence, the link between the armed forces and the nation and industrial policy, while not forgetting the underlying financial realities.

Pierre Janin — Does Africa amount to no more than its violence ?
Africa is frequently stigmatised for its ills and excesses. For the keen observer that S. Smith is, the continent confirms this peculiar difference by unleashing multiple forms of violence. Thus yielding to the prevailing afro-pessimism, the journalist proposes a univocal view of Africa, hence forgetting to indicate the existence of ways out.