What is a state? This volume approaches the question from an anthropological perspective, which means that the starting point of the analysis is not the concept of the state, but instead, what kinds of structures the state consists of, what kinds of effects these structures have, and how states are experienced by the people who inhabit, make, enact, and resist them. The volume introduces a contemporary anthropological approach to the study of the state for a Finnish-speaking audience. This new approach examines the state as a diverse, socially and culturally constructed phenomenon that varies in time and place. Additional aims of the volume are to introduce and translate concepts from political anthropology to the Finnish language, and to make anthropological analyses of the state known to other disciplines that study the state and to the general Finnish-speaking public. Covering a wide variety of ethnographic contexts examining both the effects of the state and the state-like effects of other institutions, the volume contains case studies from Brazil, Uganda, Papua New Guinea, Madagascar, Finland, Bolivia, Cuba, Egypt, Fiji, Solomon Islands, and Ghana. A theoretical introduction presents the development of anthropological thinking with regard to the state and state-like institutions. An afterword reflects on the contribution of the volume in light of the ethnographic context of Indonesia.
Engl. Abstract u.d.T.: "Politics is in the church" : The formation of aims in the church politics of the Finnish Centre Party 1966 - 1978. - Dt. Zsfassung u.d.T.: "Politik ist in der Kirche" : Die Ausformulierung der kirchenpolitischen Ziele der finnischen Zentrumspartei in den Jahren 1966 - 1978
The edited volume Archives and the Cultural Heritage focuses on archives as institutions and to their tense relationship with archives as material. These dynamics are discussed in respect of the past, the present, and the future. The focus lies in the mechanisms the Finnish archive institutions have utilised when taking part in forming the cultural heritage and in debating the importance of the private archives in society. Within social sciences and history from the early 1990s onwards, the effects of globalisation have been seen as a new focal point for research. Momentarily, the archives saw the same paradigm shift as the focus of the archival studies proceeded from state to society. This brought forth the notion that the values of society are reflected in the acquisition of archival material. This archival turn draws attention to the archives as entities formed by cultural practices. The volume discusses cultural heritage within Finnish archives with diverse perspectives and from various time periods. The key concepts are cultural heritage and archives – both as institution and as material. Articles review the formation of archival collections spanning from the 19th to the 21st century and highlight that the archives have never been neutral or objective actors; rather, they have always been an active process of remembering and forgetting, a matter of inclusion and exclusion. The focus is on private archives and on the choices that guided the creation of the archives and the cultural perceptions and power structures associated with them. Although private archives have considerable social and research value, and although their material complements the picture of society provided by documentary data produced by public administrations, they have only risen to the theoretical discussions in the 21st century. The authors consider what has happened before the material ends up in the archive, what happens in the archive and what can be deduced from this. It shows how archival solutions manifest themselves, how they have influenced research and how they still affect it. One of the key questions is whose past has been preserved and whose is deemed worthy of preservation. Under what conditions have the permanently preserved documents been selected and how can they be accessed? In addition, the volume pays attention to whose documents have been ignored or forgotten, as well as to the networks and power of the individuals within the archival institution and to the politics of memory. The Archives and the Cultural Heritage is an opening to a discussion on the mechanisms, practices and goals of Finnish archival activities. It challenges archival organisations to reflect on their own operating models and to make visible their own conscious or unconscious choices. It raises awareness of the formation of the Finnish documentary cultural heritage, produces new information about private archives and participates in the scientific debate on the changing significance of archives in society. The volume is related to the Academy of Finland research project "Making and Interpreting National Pasts – Role of Finnish Archives as Networks of Power and Sites of Memory" (no 25257, 2011–2014/2019), University of Turku. Project partners Finnish Literature Society (SKS) and Society of Swedish Literature in Finland (SLS).
Tutkimukseni aiheena on pelikokemukset johtamisen simulaatiopelillä ja kokemuksista saatujen merkitysten tulkinta. Tutkimuskysymykseni on Millainen kokemus esimiespelin pelaaminen on Lapin yliopiston eMBA-kurssin opiskelijoille ja millaisia tuloksia pelaaminen tuotti heille johtamisen kehittämiseen? Tutkimukseni tavoitteena on arvioida simulaatiopelin pelaamisen kokemuksia ja niiden tuloksia johtamisosaamisen kehittämisessä. Henkilöjohtamiseen sopivia simulaatiopelejä, jotka perustuvat tieteellisiin teorioihin, on vielä vähän. Simulaatiopelien on todettu sopivan hyvin johtamisen opettamiseen, koska ne tukevat johtamisen monimuotoisuuden kokemista paremmin kuin perinteiset kouluttamismuodot. Tutkimuksen teoreettis-menetelmällinen lähestysmistapa on fenomenologis-hermeneuttinen eli keräsin pelikokemuksia ja tulkitsin niiden merkityksiä. Tutkimus osallistuu keskusteluun joh-tamistaitojen kehittämiseen pelaamalla. Tutkimus perustuu kokemuslähtöisen sekä käytäntölähtöisen oppimisen teorioihin. Laadullisen tutkimukseni aineisto on kerätty oppimispäiväkirjoilla ja ryhmäkeskustelulla. Tutkittavina olivat 20 Lapin yliopiston eMBA-johtamisvalmennettavaa. Tutkittavat pelasivat peliä noin neljä kuukautta. Pelaaminen auttoi ymmärtämään esimiestyötä. Pelaajat löysivät johtamistaitoihinsa kehitettävää verratessaan itseään pelin teoreettiseen ihannejohtamismalliin. Pelaajien pelatessa yhdessä oman työyhteisön kanssa peli toimi johtamiskäytänteen pelkistettynä kuvauksena ja kehittämisen apuvälineenä. Pelin käytön kokemukset vaihtelivat alun epätoivosta ja vaikeuksien voittamisesta pelin hallintaan ja onnistumisiin. Pelaajat suorittivat pelissä ammatillista muotouttamista eli toistivat peliä ja löysivät syys-seuraussuhteita oman toiminnan ja pelin teorioiden välillä. Muotouttaminen on yksi vaihe johtamisidentiteetin kehittymisessä. Peli toimi mestarikisälli -mallisesti pelin ohjatessa ja opastaessa pelaajaa mahdollistaen hänelle turvallisen harjoitteluympäristön. Pelaajat nimesivät itselleen pelin lopussa ammatillisia kehittymisen tavoitteita kuvaten millaiseksi johtajaksi he haluavat kehittyä. ; Theme for this research is the use of simulation game in developing leadership skills. Research problem is What kind of experience is it for Executive MBA-students in Lapland's university to play Productive Leadership-game and what kind of results players achieve for their leader-ship development? The research examines the effect of Leadership Simulation game in the development of leadership skills. Experiences and game outcomes of Executive MBA students from Lapland University were used to measure the effectiveness in learning through Simulation Games. A target group of 20 students played the Simulation game for about 4 months and research material was collected from their learning diaries and group discussions. The objective of my study is to evaluate experiences of playing simulation game and assess how results affect the players' leadership skills. There is still lack of simulation games suitable for leadership development. Simulation has been found to be suitable for training leadership because it is almost impossible to learn complicated leadership structures through traditional training methods. The theoretical and methodological approach of this study is Phenomenological and hermeneutical, in other words gathering experiences and interpreting their significances. The study is based on experiential and practice-based learning theories. The target groups experiences of the Simulation game varied from despair and difficulties in the beginning to winning and finally to feeling in control of the game which eventually lead to success. When players played together in their own work community the game served as a simplified description of leadership practices, thus as tool for developing the organization's leadership. Playing helped to understand the supervisors' work. Players identified and were able to name a few development needs in their leadership skills after comparing themselves with what they applied based on the leadership theory and what they gained from using the Simulation learning method. The players carried out professional formation during the play, in other words repeated the game and found the cause-effect relationship between game theories and players' operations and actions in the game. The formation is an essential phase when developing a person's leadership identity. The game produced a master-apprenticeship-like environment by directing and guiding the players and giving them a safe practicing setting where a player can repeat actions as many times as needed without disrupting their real organization.
In this thesis, I critically interrogate power relations that underlie practices, techniques and rationalities of contemporary forms of governance represented by the governing strategy of structural adjustment framework devised by the Bretton Woods institutions— especially the IMF and the World Bank. Far from being a technique of coercion and domination, the thesis demonstrates that structural adjustment framework represents a differing modality of global power that attempts to discursively legitimise external interventions through the imposition of neoliberal economic agenda. I show that structural adjustment policies are carefully constructed neoliberal rationalities of governing through which donors seek to transform the government of Ghana into a self-disciplined neoliberal subject that must behave in an appropriately competitive fashion that is congruent with the ethos of market rationality. I draw on Michel Foucault's nuanced conceptualisation of governmentality, a form of productive and relational power working through individuals' subjectivities particularly as it coexists with the disciplinary rationale of power, and extend it to the relation between the IMF and the World Bank and the government of Ghana. I analyse how these interactions are embedded within a discursive formation and concrete practices which establish certain views of 'a problem' and mobilise particular authoritative actors, techniques and forms of truth as solutions. I also explore how over the decades the IMF and the World Bank through the modalities of conditionality associated with structural adjustment have sought to govern, remake and regulate the economic, political and social institutions of recipient States. In closing, and by way of illustration, I also examine 'non-compliance' as one possibility into what Foucault has termed 'counter-conduct' through which subjects undermine and challenge governmental forms of power. This being said, within the structural adjustment discourse, there remains, I would be inclined to argue, repressive and dominant forms of power. This thesis, contributes to the contemporary scholarship on governmentality to deepen and re-evaluate the distinctiveness of power relations in the example of the IMF and the World Bank adjustment programmes in Ghana.
Abstract The research examines the U.S. approach to the independence of the Philippines and its stages at the end of the 1920's and in the early 1930's. The Philippines belonged to the United States from 1898 to 1946. The relationship between the two countries was quite controversial from the very beginning. Many of the different phases and factors resulted in the U.S. Congress passing a law in March 1934, which guaranteed full independence to the Philippines after a ten-year transition period. The birth of the law which led to Philippine independence was a complex political process, with a number of variables influencing the attitudes and the solution. These factors accounting for the formation of the solution changed as time progressed. One of the key variables in terms of the Act of Independence began when the Great Depression began in 1929, which affected especially agricultural producers. As the Philippines was administratively a part of the federal government, in these circles it was seen that only independence could be the solution to close the archipelago outside of the domestic market. In fact, the sugar and coconut imports from the Philippines were not a real competitor to the federal farmers. In addition to the domestic farmers the Cuban sugar producers, who were headed by U.S. investors, felt that Philippine duty-free import was challenging their share of the federal market. They were of the opinion that the independence of the Philippines could guarantee them better market positions in the federal sugar market, and strove to promote the Independence Act as soon as possible. As a result of the worsening unemployment situation Filipino migrant workers started competing for scarce jobs. As a part of the United States Filipinos had free immigration rights. In particular, on the west coast and in the employees' organizations, independence was seen as the easiest way to limit immigration. In addition to the economic cycle other significant factors were the changes in foreign policy, and in particular the rise of Japan as a powerful superpower in the Far East. The federal government and the majority of the Congress represented opposing views of the independence issue. The Congress was able to show strength in this confrontation. The main sources of the material consist of the U.S. government documents, the Congress document collections, foreign relations document collections, memoirs and other documents. ; Tiivistelmä Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan Yhdysvaltain suhtautumista Filippiinien itsenäistymiseen ja siihen liittyneisiin vaiheisiin 1920 -luvun lopulla ja 1930-luvun alkupuoliskolla. Filippiinit kuuluivat Yhdysvalloille vuosina 1898–1946. Maiden välinen suhde oli hyvin kiistanalainen alusta alkaen. Monien eri vaiheiden ja tekijöiden seurauksena Yhdysvaltain kongressi hyväksyi maaliskuussa 1934 lain, joka takasi Filippiineille täyden itsenäisyyden kymmenen vuoden siirtymäajan jälkeen. Filippiinien itsenäistymiseen johtaneen lain synty oli monimutkainen poliittinen prosessi, jossa oli useita suhtautumiseen ja ratkaisuun vaikuttaneita muuttujia. Näiden tekijöiden osuus ratkaisun muodostumiseen muuttui ajan edetessä. Yksi keskeisimmistä muuttujista itsenäisyyslain suhteen oli vuonna 1929 Yhdysvalloissa alkanut suuri lamakausi, josta kärsivät erityisesti maataloustuottajat. Koska Filippiinit oli hallinnollisesti osa liittovaltiota, näissä piireissä nähtiin, että ainoastaan itsenäisyys voisi saattaa saariston sisämarkkinoiden ulkopuolelle. Filippiineiltä tuotava sokeri ja kookosöljy eivät olleet todelliset kilpailijat liittovaltion viljelijöille. Kotimaan viljelijäväestön lisäksi Kuuban sokerintuotantoon investoineet amerikkalaiset sijoittajapiirit kokivat Filippiinien tullivapaan tuonnin vievän heiltä markkinoita. He katsoivat, että Filippiinien itsenäisyys takaisi paremmat markkina-asemat liittovaltion sokerimarkkinoilla ja pyrkivät edistämään itsenäisyyslain mahdollisimman pikaista säätämistä. Alati pahenevan työttömyyden seurauksen filippiiniläiset siirtotyöläiset kilpailivat hupenevista työpaikoista. Filippiiniläisille oli taattu vapaa maahanmuutto-oikeus. Etenkin länsirannikolla ja työntekijäjärjestöissä saarten itsenäistyminen nähtiin olevan helpoin tie maahanmuuton rajoittamiseen. Taloudellisten suhdanteiden ohella muita merkittäviä tekijöitä olivat muutokset ulkopolitiikassa ja etenkin Japanin nousu voimakkaaksi suurvallaksi Kaukoidässä. Liittovaltion hallinto ja kongressin enemmistö edustivat vastakkaisia näkemyssuuntia itsenäisyyskysymyksessä. Kongressi pystyi osoittamaan voimansa tässä vastakkainasettelussa. Tutkimuksen keskeisin lähdeaineisto koostuu Yhdysvaltain hallinnon asiakirjoista, kongressin asiakirjakokoelmista, ulkoaisainhallinnon asiakirjakokoelmista, muistelmista sekä lähdeteoksista.
