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The authors of the article examine historical regularities in the evolution of power technologies in the context of non-positivistic philosophical ideas of the 20th century. These philosophical beliefs imply an intuitive understanding of power, deal with the formation of psychological mechanisms of the domination-subordination relations and describe their development. The authors pay special attention to magical and sacred aspects at the early stages of political development, as well as the subsequent formation of power structures and organization of administrative functions. At the present stage of social development, the digitalization of state and political activity is of great importance. The forming order of domination and subordination, as well as power relations, initially comprise magical elements allowing a person or a group of individuals to manipulate others' behavior. Modern digital technologies find their origins in centuries-long traditions either consciously or unconsciously. The need for managerial influence overcoming social chaos is objective. As a result, the state rationalizes the management of society, organizes its administrative functions and develops a more advanced technology of political power. However, people's dependence on technology is connected with decreasing interpersonal cooperation, growing individual dependence on power and other negative experiences. The modern humanities aim to determine regularities in the evolution of political power technologies and overcome the negative consequences of modern power technologization.

Eduardo Aponte Hernández: Participatory Needs Analysis Methodology for Community Planning. Elsa Azpeitia Mondeja: The Effects of Test Anxiety, Feedback, and Task Difficulty on State Anxiety and Performance. Aurea Echevarría Cantero: Desarrollo del concepto de identidad en la cultura puertorriqueña. Ileana Quintero Rivera: Children's Understanding of Geographical Space. Gabriel Ramos Cortés: Adaptación, validación y normalización de la escala de autoconcepto de Piers-Harris para los-as niños-as puertorriqueños-as entre las edades de ocho a once años. Eduardo J. Suárez: Philosophy and Culture in John Dewey. Roamé Torres González: Democracy and Personal Autonomy in the Puerto Rican School System: A Socio-Historical Survey and Critique of Educational Development. Ada Verdejo Carrión: Funciones del estudiante practicante, el maestro cooperador y el supervisor universitario en la práctica docente de los programas de preparación de maestros de Puerto Rico. Anita Yudkin Suliveres: Víctimas protegidas: la experiencia escolar de niños desplazados en el El Salvador. Nellie Zambrana Ortiz: Relationship between Mediated Learning Experience, Cognitive Development, and Children's School Functioning in Mother-Child and Father-Child Dyads Among Puerto Rican Preschoolers from Low Socioeconomic. ; Eduardo Aponte Hernández: Participatory Needs Analysis Methodology for Community Planning. Elsa Azpeitia Mondeja: The Effects of Test Anxiety, Feedback, and Task Difficulty on State Anxiety and Performance. Aurea Echevarría Cantero: Desarrollo del concepto de identidad en la cultura puertorriqueña. Ileana Quintero Rivera: Children's Understanding of Geographical Space. Gabriel Ramos Cortés: Adaptación, validación y normalización de la escala de autoconcepto de Piers-Harris para los-as niños-as puertorriqueños-as entre las edades de ocho a once años. Eduardo J. Suárez: Philosophy and Culture in John Dewey. Roamé Torres González: Democracy and Personal Autonomy in the Puerto Rican School System: A Socio-Historical Survey and Critique of Educational Development. Ada Verdejo Carrión: Funciones del estudiante practicante, el maestro cooperador y el supervisor universitario en la práctica docente de los programas de preparación de maestros de Puerto Rico. Anita Yudkin Suliveres: Víctimas protegidas: la experiencia escolar de niños desplazados en el El Salvador. Nellie Zambrana Ortiz: Relationship between Mediated Learning Experience, Cognitive Development, and Children's School Functioning in Mother-Child and Father-Child Dyads Among Puerto Rican Preschoolers from Low Socioeconomic.

El presente artículo trata sobre la situación actual de las asociaciones y fundaciones franquistas que existen en España. Se abordará el origen histórico de estas fundaciones,su actividad y vías de financiación, así como las dificultades que desde el punto de vista legal —y constitucional— presenta su disolución./nEste trabajo presenta, además, un listado de las fundaciones franquistas actualmente operativas en nuestro país, y un resumen biográfico de los principales personajes de la dictadura a los que se les rinde homenaje. ; /nSe llevará a cabo un análisis, por otro lado, de leyes de relevancia en la materia, como la conocida como Ley de Memoria Histórica, la Ley de Derecho de Asociación o la Ley de Fundaciones. ; /nA modo de conclusión, se hará referencia a la importancia de una reforma legal a la hora de impedir que determinadas asociaciones propugnen un discurso de odio, y de defender la dignidad y memoria de las víctimas de la dictadura. ; The following article adresses the current situation of Franquist foundations existing in Spain. It will be explained the historical origin and development of these foundations, as well as their activity and their financing channels. Besides, it will be shown the difficulties — due to legal and constitutional reasons — of banning these associations./nThis essay presents an exhaustive list of all the franquist foundations currently operating in our country, as well as a brief summary of the Franquism-related personalities homaged by them. On the other hand, this article focuses on the main legislations involved on this issue, as the so-call Historic Memory Law, Law of Association Right or the Foundations Law. In conclusion, we will refer to the importance of initiating a legal reform, in order to ban foundations which spread hate speech, and to preserve the dignity of the victims of the Civil War and the dictatorship.

Este documento pretende contribuir al debate y esclarecimiento sobre el Desarrollo Sustentable. No hay sector en el mundo que no hable del Desarrollo Sustentable, pero muy pocos entienden lo que realmente propone éste. De esto se aprovechan en forma reiterada los países capitalistas y sus representantes en los diferentes sectores. Los neoliberales también hablan de Desarrollo Sostenible; pero, ¿son consecuentes con sus principios económicos?, ¿la visión antropocéntrica propone realmente el Desarrollo Sostenible? ¿En gobiernos que están bajo el mandato del FMI y BM se podrán implementar políticas que encaminen al Desarrollo Sostenible? Estas son algunas de las preguntas que vamos a esclarecer en el documento. La crisis ambiental no es un problema reciente. Esto viene aconteciendo desde muchos años atrás. Si en los años setenta la crisis ambiental llevó a proclamar el freno al crecimiento antes de alcanzar el colapso ecológico, en los años noventa la dialéctica de la cuestión ambiental ha producido su negación: hoy el discurso neoliberal afirma la desaparición de la contradicción entre ambiente y crecimiento. Los mecanismos de mercado se convierten en el medio más certero y eficaz para internalizar las condiciones ecológicas y los valores ambientales al proceso de crecimiento económico. En la perspectiva neoliberal, los problemas ecológicos no surgen como resultado de la acumulación de capital, ni por fallas del mercado, sino por no haber asignado derechos de propiedad y precios a los bienes comunes. Una vez establecido lo anterior, las clarividentes leyes del mercado se encargarían de ajustar los desequilibrios ecológicos y las diferencias sociales: la equidad y la sustentabilidad. El discurso dominante busca promover el crecimiento económico sostenido, negando las condiciones ecológicas y termodinámicas que establecen límites a la apropiación y transformación capitalista de la naturaleza. La naturaleza está siendo incorporada así al capital mediante una doble operación: por una parte se intenta internalizar los costos ambientales del progreso; junto con ello, se instrumenta una operación simbólica, un «cálculo de significación» que recodifica al hombre, la cultura y la naturaleza como formas aparentes de una misma esencia: el capital. Así, los procesos ecológicos y simbólicos son reconvertidos en capital natural, humano y cultural, para ser asimilados al proceso de reproducción y expansión del orden económico, reestructurando las condiciones de la producción mediante una gestión económicamente racional del ambiente. De esta manera, la retórica del crecimiento sostenible ha reconvertido el sentido crítico del concepto de ambiente en un discurso voluntarista, proclamando que las políticas neoliberales habrán de conducirnos hacia los objetivos del equilibrio ecológico y la justicia social por la vía más eficaz: el crecimiento económico guiado por el libre mercado. Este discurso promete alcanzar su propósito, sin una fundamentación sobre la capacidad del mercado para dar su justo valor a la naturaleza, para internalizar las externalidades ambientales y disolver las desigualdades sociales; para revertir las leyes de la entropía y actualizar las preferencias de las generaciones futuras. ; This document aims to contribute to the debate and clarification on sustainable development, there is no sector in the world that does not speak of the importance of this topic, but very few understand what it really proposes. Capitalist countries and their representatives in different sectors repeatedly take advantage of this. Neoliberals also speak of sustainable development; But, are they consistent with its economic principles? Does the anthropocentric vision really propose sustainable development? In governments that are under the mandate of the IMF and WB, will policies that aim at sustainable development be implemented? These are some of the questions that we are going to clarify in the document. The environmental crisis is not a recent problem. This has been going on for many years. If in the 1970s the environmental crisis led to proclaiming the brake on growth before reaching ecological collapse, in the 1990s the dialectic of the environmental question has produced its negation: today the neoliberal discourse affirms the disappearance of the contradiction between environment and increase. Market mechanisms become the most accurate and effective way to internalize ecological conditions and environmental values in the process of economic growth. In the neoliberal perspective, ecological problems do not arise as a result of capital accumulation, nor due to market failures, but because of not having assigned property rights and prices to common goods. Once this was established, the clairvoyant laws of the market would be in charge of adjusting ecological imbalances and social differences: equity and sustainability. The dominant discourse seeks to promote sustained economic growth, denying the ecological and thermodynamic conditions that set limits to the capitalist appropriation and transformation of nature. Nature is thus being incorporated into capital through a double operation: on the one hand, an attempt is made to internalize the environmental costs of progress; Along with this, a symbolic operation is implemented, a "calculation of significance" that recodes man, culture and nature as apparent forms of the same essence: capital. Thus, the ecological and symbolic processes are converted into natural, human and cultural capital, to be assimilated to the process of reproduction and expansion of the economic order, restructuring the conditions of production through economically rational management of the environment. In this way, the rhetoric of sustainable growth has turned the critical sense of the concept of environment into a voluntarist discourse, proclaiming that neoliberal policies must lead us towards the objectives of ecological balance and social justice by the most effective means: economic growth. guided by the free market. This discourse promises to achieve its purpose, without a foundation on the market's capacity to give its fair value to nature, to internalize environmental externalities and dissolve social inequalities; to reverse the laws of entropy and update the preferences of future generations.

The aim of the research was to analyze the legal and organizational foundations of e-government. The introduction of e-government in Ukraine is regulated by a large number of normative legal acts in the field of information society development. The analysis of information sources-legal norms by using general scientific and special scientific methods led to the conclusion that the provisions of administrative legislation also belong to the information legislation. It was concluded that the legal framework for the implementation of e-government should not only be harmonized with generally recognized international standards, but also, developed and adopted in the context of the Sustainable Development Goals until 2030. Based on the assessment and comparison of the main trends in the development of digital economy, simplification, decentralization, deregulation, institutional capacity development and communication support are attributed to the main achievements and digital capabilities of Ukraine in the direction of e-government. Definitely, the need to improve e-governance mechanisms in the sphere of telecommunication networks at the state level is emphasized.

Moisés es uno de los fundadores a los que refi ere Maquiavelo en los célebres capítulos VI y XXVI de El Príncipe, junto con Ciro, Rómulo y Teseo. Sin embargo, Moises se distingue de los demás fundadores por un rasgo significativo: es el único que no actúa por sí mismo, sino "guiado por su preceptor", esto es, Dios. La interrogación de el significado de esta singularidad de la fi gura de Moisés en el discurso maquiaveliano nos permitirá, consideramos, iluminar algunos aspectos del problema central en la obra maquiaveliana de la fundación política. Para llevar adelante esta indagación, entonces, dedicaremos la primera parte a formular la pregunta acerca del tema de "El príncipe", en la segunda parte, presentar el problema de la escritura maquiaveliana, y con él, el de su interpretación, y en la tercera parte, sirviéndonos de este trabajo, interpretaremos el modo en que las alusiones a la fi gura de Moisés operan al interior de la obra. ; Moses is one of the founders refered by Machiavelli in the famous chapters VI and XXVI of The Prince, together with Cyrus, Romulus, Theseus. Nevertheless, there is a signifi cant difference between Moses and the others founder: he is the only one who does not act by himself, but as a "mere executor of things that had had been ordered for him by God". The interrogation of the meaning of this singular place of Moses' fi gure in Machiavelli's discourse will allow us to illuminate some aspects of the problem of the foundation of a political community. To carry forward this inquiry we will dedicate the fi rst part to introduce the question of the theme of The Prince, in the second part, we will present the problem of the Machiavellian writing, and in the third part, we will try to interpret the way in which allusions to the fi gure of Moses operate in Machiavelli's work. ; Fil: Volco, Agustin. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Bologna. Universidad de Bologna - Sede Bs.as.; Argentina

Presentar una propuesta epistemológica que, de respuesta a los sentidos referidos por los mismos profesores frente a la evaluación profesoral, nos refiere, según resultados de este estudio, al diálogo como opción en la evaluación del desempeño profesoral, porque facilita el encuentro profesor–estudiante, es un espacio para la palabra, la reflexión, la democracia, lo ético, la construcción pedagógica y la construcción de sentidos y significados. Esta propuesta de evaluación dialogante, se basa en fundamentos empíricos, teóricos, pedagógicos, epistemológicos, ontológicos y éticos de la evaluación dialogante.

The Foundations of Deliberative Democracy: Empirical Researchand Normative Implications.Jürg Steiner. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012, 277 pp.

Within the scope of the scientific article, by means of documentary sources, the main conceptual directions of the fight against environmental crime in Ukraine are highlighted. Special emphasis is placed on the use of social mechanisms to ensure legality in the investigated area; adoption of the Law of Ukraine "On ecological culture of the population"; careful planning of the processes of development and implementation of organizational, legal and other measures aimed at preventing crimes against the environment. It is proposed to increase funding of control and supervisory bodies for the detection and prevention of criminal offenses, other state structures for the protection of nature; development of a unified state policy in the field of combating organized environmental crime, all this, on the basis of a criminological examination of legislation. In the conclusions it is proposed to unify the efforts of law enforcement agencies of various states to stop anti-environmental criminal behavior, neutralize all stages of the implementation of a criminal offense: planning, illegal extraction of resources, transportation, sale and laundering of proceeds obtained through crime against nature.

Uno de los rasgos más destacados del populismo es su empleo de las emociones. Sin embargo, los análisis de la dimensión emocional del populismo suelen adolecer de cierta superficialidad. Este trabajo persigue, justamente, arrojar luz sobre las bases afectivas del populismo. A tal fin, presenta un análisis de los distintos aspectos de la afectividad populista, a partir de los hallazgos resultantes del giro afectivo experimentado por las ciencias sociales. Asimismo, se ocupa de los notables efectos que sobre la sentimentalidad populista tiene la reconfiguración digital del espacio público ; One of the most prominent features of populism is its emotionality. Yet studies on the emotional dimension of populism tend to be rather superficial. Precisely, this article attempts to shed some light on the affective foundations of populism, taking advantage of the findings resulting from the affective turn that has taken place on the social sciences in the last years. In this connection, it also deals with the digital transformation of the public space and its effects on the populist sentimentality

Uno de los rasgos más destacados del populismo es su empleo de las emociones. Sin embargo, los análisis de la dimensión emocional del populismo suelen adolecer de cierta superficialidad. Este trabajo persigue, justamente, arrojar luz sobre las bases afectivas del populismo. A tal fin, presenta un análisis de los distintos aspectos de la afectividad populista, a partir de los hallazgos resultantes del giro afectivo experimentado por las ciencias sociales. Asimismo, se ocupa de los notables efectos que sobre la sentimentalidad populista tiene la reconfiguración digital del espacio público. ; One of the most prominent features of populism is its emotionality. Yet studies on the emotional dimension of populism tend to be rather superficial. Precisely, this article attempts to shed some light on the affective foundations of populism, taking advantage of the findings resulting from the affective turn that has taken place on the social sciences in the last years. In this connection, it also deals with the digital transformation of the public space and its effects on the populist sentimentality. ; Universidad Pablo de Olavide