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In order to honor Tom Wiegele on the occasion of his retirement, we planned to carry in this issue a profile of his career and his contributions to our field. As the journal's founding editor and the association's founding executive director, Tom's extraordinary accomplishments deserved to be publicly applauded. We are all greatly saddened that Tom's sudden death from an aneurysm on August 9, 1991, just two days after a retirement celebration, has converted our profile into a tribute in memoriam. We share with Tom's family, his friends, his students, and his other colleagues our sorrow and our sense of loss over his premature passing.

Nonprofit organizations are vital to the implementation of social policy and provide myriad benefits to those nearby, yet few studies consider founding patterns in small areas. Conceptualizing ecological processes at the local level and in the context of developmental regimes, this article investigates nonprofit founding events among neighborhoods with a unique data set aggregated by census tract from 2010 to 2016 in one northeast Ohio county (United States) using a hierarchical Bayesian model. The results broadly support the density dependence hypothesis, however, suggest high density is required to reduce founding rates in small areas. The results indicate nonprofit founding rates are lower in tracts with higher levels of economic disadvantage and higher shares of Latino residents. The paper calls for further research into nonprofit population dynamics among small areas and for policymakers to closely consider nonprofit founding events, as founding determines the future of a region's nonprofit infrastructure.

Americans revere the Constitution even as they argue fiercely over its original toleration of racial slavery. Some historians have charged that slaveholders actually enshrined human bondage at the nation's founding. Sean Wilentz shares the dismay but sees the Constitution and slavery differently. Although the proslavery side won important concessions, he asserts, antislavery impulses also influenced the framers' work. Far from covering up a crime against humanity, the Constitution restricted slavery's legitimacy under the new national government. In time, that limitation would open the way for the creation of an antislavery politics that led to Southern secession, the Civil War, and Emancipation. Wilentz's controversial reconsideration upends orthodox views of the Constitution. He describes the document as a tortured paradox that abided slavery without legitimizing it. This paradox lay behind the great political battles that fractured the nation over the next seventy years. As Southern Fire-eaters invented a proslavery version of the Constitution, antislavery advocates, including Abraham Lincoln and Frederick Douglass, proclaimed an antislavery version based on the framers' refusal to validate property in man. No Property in Man invites fresh debate about the political and legal struggles over slavery that began during the Revolution and concluded with the Confederacy's defeat. It drives straight to the heart of the most contentious and enduring issue in all of American history.--

The essay focuses on the discussion of slavery and emancipation between Atlas—the Guardian Genius of Africa—and Hesper—the Genius of America—in Joel Barlow's epic poem The Columbiad (1807). The text shares Atlas' words and describes slavery as an uncivil practice contrasting with the democratic principles of the new country. Nonetheless, the poem supports Hesper's conviction that Africans' exploitation is an essential tool to establish an American imperialistic "state of fantasy." The paper tries to investigate this ideological paradox: Atlas's dream of the Africans' emancipation was engrained in the principles themselves of the Declaration of Independence; at the same time, Atlas's aspiration had to be domesticated, if not repressed, by a Republic which aspired to turn itself into an Empire.

The imprinting perspective suggests that the decisions made early in the life of a firm may have lasting impact on its ability to move in a strategic direction. Utilizing this perspective, we examine whether the initial strategic resources (human, financial, and technological) imprint ventures in regard to the existence of an exit sale strategy and with variations in three common exit sales strategies, namely, (a) sale of the firm's share to the public market (initial public offering [IPO]), (b) sale to another firm (strategic acquisition), and (c) sale of the firm to another individual (private sale). Our results indicate that technological resources are related to the presence of an intended exit sale strategy. Furthermore, human, financial, and technological resources differentially impact the three sales strategies, and firm size moderates the imprinting effects of resources on exit outcomes differentially depending on the type of resource and exit strategy being considered. This work contributes to our limited understanding of exit sales strategies and demonstrates that different initial resources affect whether the firm has an exit sales strategy and imprint variations in the type of exit sale considered in unique ways. Furthermore, the article advances our understanding of the impact of size on exit sales strategies. Finally, this research adds to the imprinting literature by demonstrating (as many have proposed) that the start-up period is a sensitive period that imprints the firm with enduring consequences and outcomes.

Entrepreneurship and town-founding -- The leading entrepreneurs -- Commerce and culture -- The creation of land corporations in towns -- The use of shares -- The exclusiveness of land corporations -- The communal ideal -- The ambiguous character of town institutions -- The separation of proprietorships from towns -- The emergence of public institutions -- The New England town reconsidered

This dissertation develops an economic theory of founding party dominance and validates its main implications via an in-depth analysis of South Africa under the ANC. At its core, the theory explains how a founding party like the ANC maintains the credibility of its economic promises in the longer term while generally failing to deliver on them in the shorter term. Ultimately, the credibility of these promises is determined by citizens' beliefs about the party, which they update by observing economic outcomes. In order to maintain favorable beliefs among the citizenry, the party strategically allocates state resources and economic propaganda across its broad coalition of voters. Just as the theory predicts, ANC governments have shown a clear resource bias toward their higher-information supporters, who are better able to observe the state of the economy and the extent of government corruption. The country's post-apartheid economic policies starkly favor the more urban, better-informed elements in the ANC's coalition. Moreover, we demonstrate that the stronger is the economy, the more state resources are allocated to higher-information provinces as compared to their lower-information counterparts. In the same vein, we show that instances of official corruption--particularly the maladministration of social services--are far more prevalent in lower-information provinces, exacerbating the relative deprivation of citizens living in these environments. The theory also implies that founding party rulers like the ANC will allocate a greater share of state resources to its less partisan supporters, in line with the "swing voter" school of distributional politics. While the overall evidence is mixed, we do find that the ANC directs more resources to provinces in which its support among Africans has lagged the most (or increased the least) between elections. Even more interestingly, our theory's unconventional prediction about the ANC's use of economic propaganda--namely, that the incumbent will strategically downplay the state of the economy in order justify the low provision of state resources--is borne out by the data. Particularly in period surrounding elections, the South African government systematically underestimates the country's rate of economic growth, only to revise those estimates upward at a later date. We also show that state-owned television outlets downplay the state of the South African economy in their coverage--and that they do so more than privately owned newspapers. Indeed, the stronger the economy, the more negative/less positive is the economic reporting by the state-owned South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC). What's more, SABC broadcasts in African languages are even more negative in tone than equivalent reporting in European languages, while a newspaper outlet widely regarded as pro-government is less likely to report positively during "good times" than more neutral publications. All of this evidence indicates that the ANC is targeting economic propaganda at African citizens with middling access to information, the precise group predicted by our theory. Given these facts and conditions, we should not be surprised that the ANC--despite its widespread failure to deliver on its material promises--continues to so thoroughly dominate South African politics nearly 20 years after the advent of majority rule. Nor should we be surprised that provinces where the ANC enjoys the most electoral support are also those where the average (African) citizen is most likely to believe that her personal economic conditions reflect those of the broader national economy, as revealed in Chapter 5. Finally, we should be encouraged by an explanation of ANC dominance that goes beyond the traditional emphasis on race, not only because race is a `red herring' explanation that obscures a raft of political and economic dynamics, but also because it allows us to place South Africa's founding party dominance in a larger scholastic and historical context. As such, we speculate on how this study helps explain other examples political dominance, as well as what those examples suggest for the future of South African politics.

Eminent critical evaluations on Machiavelli's thought discuss the Fortuna-Virtù pair. Even though such terms share well-known origins and traditions throughout Latin literary historiography, especially ancient and medieval receptions during civic humanism, their elusive features persist in Machiavelli´s arguments, enabling numerous academic debates. While the idea of Virtù maintain its ambivalence and ambiguity throughout these relevant and varied textual evidences, continual pursuits for clarification are made throughout the Florentine secretary's corpus, associating the term with other important and central concepts, e.g., desiderio, stato, forza. Political instabilities, forces beyond human control, unpredictability of civil actions are recurring themes in Machiavelli's conceptions of Fortune. In open dialogue with civic humanists who emphasize a crescent political and social participation, blending rational reflections, moral consideration, as well as discussions about different forms of regimes, this author exposes a historiographical conception, reinvigorating ancient traditions, in the creation of a civil order. This demands Virtù, a personal and public commitment in the exaltation of human potentialities and limits. Reinserting the relevance of a parity between Fortuna and Virtù in Machiavelli is a relevant step for avoiding anachronistic readings. Thus, the most significant examples of civic founders and maintainers of civic order are investigated, e.g., Romulo, Numa, Moses, Cesare Borgia, Castruccio Castracani. By studying the images of Fortune, in face of Machiavelli´s political and anthropological conceptions, the argumentative development of some main ideas of this famous political thinker sustains the centrality of the Virtù-Fortuna dyad.

During the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, western European countries introduced general incorporation and additional flexible enterprise forms, but the Russian Empire left its concession system of incorporation in place. The Empire's only major corporation reform, the 1901 law, strengthened minority shareholder rights and removed bankers from boards of directors for certain corporations. The reform offers a rare opportunity to examine the financial effects of improving corporations' principal–agent relationships through regulation, because the reform did not affect all corporations equally. Corporations affected by the reform had smaller total share capital, fewer shares, and higher par values for shares as observed in 1905. The new regulations may have increased the cost of having shareholders and hence disciplined corporations' founders to be more conservative in raising capital by issuing stock. Removing bankers from boards of directors may have removed an important source of firms' founding capital, though corporations could easily evade this provision. The results also show that, although the commercial code treated all corporations equally, there were two major groups of Russian corporations that behaved differently, and, despite the fact that corporate charters could grant individual exceptions to the commercial code, a revision in the commercial code changed corporations' behaviour.

Disregard for the social value of a modern Republic of Letters like that so revered by Madison and Jefferson is a conspicuous hallmark of the Supreme Court's recent copyright case law. The four decisions in which the Court has issued full opinions since 2001 (New York Times Co. v. Tasini (2001), Eldred v. Ashcroft (2003), MGM Studios, Inc. v. Grokster, Ltd. (2005), and Reed Elsevier, Inc. v. Muchnick (2010) indicate that a majority of the Court does not share with Jefferson and Madison a belief in the civic importance of protecting widespread public access to creative works and knowledge. In these recent copyright decisions, the Court has either ignored this value or has weighed it as less important than ensuring financial rewards for authors. Part II shows how the writings of Jefferson and Madison on the dissemination of knowledge and the Copyright Clause reveal how highly both men valued the ideal of public access to knowledge and creative works as a bulwark of republican government. Part III points out that theCourt's copyright decisions over the past decade have not shared Madison and Jefferson's solicitude for the value of public access to knowledge and the Republic of Letters. Part IV concludes by warning that the Court's disregard for the public interest in the dissemination of knowledge and creative works risks eroding respect for the rule of law.

This article discusses the problems and proposals in the practice of civil law regulation of the LLC, as well as the legal status and scope of responsibility of its founders, different approaches of scholars in this regard and the founding documents of the LLC and their registration, legal and legal capacity of the LLC. ziga specific properties are analyzed. The novelty of the study is the study of a wide range of problems, as well as scientifically based and important practical recommendations for improving the legislation in the field of improving the civil regulation of the LLC