Suchergebnisse

We have attempted to find out the main mechanisms according to which the degradation under electronic impact of the derivatives 1-C5H11X of pentane (where X = F, Cl, Br, I, OH, SH, NH2) and the derivatives C5H9X of cyclopentane (where X = F, CI, Br, OH, SH) takes place.
We pointed out the influence of the X substitute on the relative importance of these different mechanisms.

The fate of planned Ur development & redevelopment largely depends on the pot system. In the US, pot & gov'al fragmentation has crucial consequences for development in physical, soc, & poi'al ways. The federal system raises barriers which impede accommodation. The multiplicity of local units of gov, not rationally determined, undermines co-ordination, power, & responsibility. The outcome of diffusion of power & dilution of responsibility is rigidity. Ur renewal is limited by the dichotomy of public & private control, tension between federal & municipal agencies, division of power between diff federal agencies, & fragmentation of power at the local community level. Any change will require some adjustments in perspective. The possibilities for change, however, do not rest upon basic changes in pol'al norms but on exp'tion in their application. In conceptions of community the units have probably been too small, applying to limited, exclusive groups organized around shared activities. These come together, partially & fortuitously, in the Ur scene, where the only encompassing org is the pol'al community. The pol'al side of Ur development & redevelopment is inescapable. AA.

The Frondizi government in Argentina is com mitted to democratic principles and international co-operation, but the Argentine people are committed to rabid nationalism and political fragmentation. A permanent crisis in Argentina since 1930 has produced extreme fragmentation, as distin guished from pluralism, and has made it necessary for the military actively to protect the stability and integrity of what ever government holds office. Although the behavior of the Argentines is generally typical of the behavior of peoples in underdeveloped countries, Argentina has long enjoyed national independence and has been well developed. The middle class is large, and literacy is high. Argentine nationalism cannot be explained as a simple function of the struggle for political in dependence and economic development. Following the Perón debacle, however, Frondizi was compelled by economic neces sity to adopt unpopular policies of economic stability and austerity. The resistance of the people to these has increased the dependence of Frondizi upon the military. Unless great successes are obtained before the Frondizi term expires, the policies which have come to be identified with him will almost certainly be reversed, and a situation similar to that in Cuba may result. In the immediate future, the United States, with out being charged with interventionism, can only offer the help Argentina solicits. In the long run, the United States can advise and assist the Argentines, as Americans, in finding a solution for themselves.—Ed.

An experimental study is made of the mass discrimination that occurs in a 180° mass spectrometer.
For ions having only thermal initial kinetic energy (Ne+, Kr+, Xe+, CH4+, C3H8+, iso-C4H8+, SO2+, C6H6+, and C6H5-CH3+), the experimental results indicate a rather large effect. Up to now, no satisfactory theoretical approach for the mass discrimination effect can be undertaken.
Fragment ions having kinetic energy have also been studied (ions from CO, C3H8). Mass discrimination effects allow a rough estimation of initial kinetic energy of such ions ; original results are given for ions yielded by the fragmentation of C02.

At the end of his book of 1902, Chto delat?, Lenin declared laconically that the Russian Marxists would have "to liquidate the third period." The "third period" here meant the years after 1898 when, according to Lenin, organizational fragmentation and ideological confusion had sabotaged the Russian Social Democratic movement. A voluntary federation of the scattered parts of the movement would, in Lenin's view, merely perpetuate in new form the confusion of the "third period." Not reform but "liquidation" was thus essential. The Russian Social Democratic Labor Party would have to be reconstructed in Russia around the framework of Iskra's agents, who in turn were to be directed by the editors of Iskra abroad.Here was the justification for the campaign which the leaders of Iskra had already initiated and which they knew among themselves as the "state of siege."

The group of Asian countries which are discussed in this paper
covers a region which is generally known as South, Southeast and East
Asia, and may be conveniently referred to as the ECAFE region, since it
falls within the area covered by the Economic Commission for Asia and
the Far East. The developments in Southeast Asian countries are
discussed in more detail than those in the rest of the region. Recent
trends towards trade cooperation among the Southeast Asian group of
countries are a striking contrast to the autarkic policies pursued,
during the greater part of the 'fifties' by most of the newly
independent countries of the region. A consequence of such policies is
the fragmentation of trading areas, and this has tended to reduce the
scope and volume of intra-regional trade and to restrict the size of
markets for each country's exports.

The traditional structure of relationships between local, state, & federal levels of gov places obstacles in the way of effective assault on the nat'l problem of organized crime. To combat organized crime, good gov is required, dedicated to good law enforcement, at all levels. Specific suggestions for local & state action concern: mechanisms for coordination of investigative efforts & findings; minimum standards for operations & personnel; correction, with a view to coordination & professionalization, of the fragmentation of law enforcement into inadequate & obsolete units; specialist criminal-intelligence units to collect information on a wide scale, to assimilate & coordinate on a narrow scale, & to disseminate findings broadly & take direct action; several legal requirements; disposition of cases in lower criminal courts; some types of licensing & regulatory activities; improvement of information; general upgrading of police-personnel training, career incentives, supervision, admin, & salary. In addition to these substantive efforts, strong public support is necessary for a meaningful & effective campaign against organized crime. AA.

Socialist literature in the 1950's is clearly characterized by fragmentation, both in source & substance, & by the replacement of the primacy of economics by sociol as the center of the socialist imagination. Crosland's THE FUTURE OF SOCIALISM is the most comprehensive work of the 1950's & is an extraordinarily able analysis, synthesizing both econ & soc factors, of the broad changes in British society since the wars; but his work falls short, by his own standards, of the claims of a socialist literature. By contrast, Strachey's CONTEMPORARY CAPITALISM has the classic look of something built to last; but socialist thought will, perhaps, be far more influenced by Pelling's & Poirier's histories of the Labour Party than by such works of comprehension, or by anthologies such as the NEW FASHION ESSAYS. The New Left book OUT OF APATHY is all denunciation & sectarian polemic & represents a complete rejection of pol'al values. British socialism must be inherently pluralistic, & good use can be made of any form of writing which is prepared to recognize that fact. AA- IPSA.

It has been suggested that intrusion upon legislative policy by judicial review "is a consequence of that fragmentation of political power which is normal in the United States. No cohesive majority,such as normally exists in Britain, would permit a politically irresponsible judiciary to usurp decision--making [policy] functions, but, for complex social and institutional reasons, there are few issues in the United States on which cohesive majorities exist." When they do exist, as in the recent tidal wave of anti-communism, the Supreme Court is not apt to test its strength against them. Rather it practices a judicious self-restraint. Distinguishing between parliamentary and popular majorities, another commentator finds support in Australian experience for this view of the relation between judicial and political policy-making. Australian courts have been able to override their national legislature, it is said, because they have had the support of cohesive popular majorities. Conversely, we are told, judicial review does not exist in Britain because there, in contrast to Australia, monolithic legislative majorities reflect solid popular majorities.