Suchergebnisse

The article looks into the changes in the parties & the social structure of the first House of the Croatian parliament (the Sabor) in the transitional period. A total of 26 political parties have had seats in the parliament -- 16 of them securing their place through prior support of the electoral body, & 10 solely through individual lists. The author shows that this party fragmentation has occurred due to the process of parliamentary parties' factioning & the transfer of delegates from parliamentary to nonparliamentary parties. The degree of party fragmentation in the Sabor is considered moderate & not disruptive for the functioning of the parliament. This is due to the continued mandated dominance of the majority party & to the fact that the party fragmentation has primarily involved the opposition parties. An analysis of the social-demographic characteristics of the representatives shows that the Sabor is dominated by male, college-educated, 48-year-old Croats with a bit more than four years of parliamentary experience. The educational structure of the Sabor does not differ much from other European parliaments, but the number of senior representatives is somewhat higher than in other European countries, while the share of women is lamentable under all democratic standards. It has been suggested that the most effective strategy that the Croatian parliamentary political parties could employ regarding gender & age representation are internally determined quotas for women & young people on their candidates' lists for elections. This would indirectly influence the social structure & the level of democracy of the Croatian parliament. 7 Tables, 1 Appendix, 38 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author's starting assumption is that the state monopoly of force is being deconstructed through the fragmentation of security interests, the privatization of public security, & the executive deficits of the state monopoly of force. It is shown that the privatization of public security is an extremely subtle phenomenon with a huge scope. Namely, the economization of habitats resulting from globalization leads to the mushrooming of private security services. The first consequence of this is the fragmentation of the social sphere & the creation of privately organized protective zones; the second is the partnership of private & polity interests. The author consequently concludes that the state cannot any longer guarantee internal security. The segregationist culture contributes to the diminishing of the state monopoly of force. This is especially noticeable in the Third World countries where force is often not controlled by the state but by various communitarian or commercial organizations. The supranational integrational processes have a similar effect. The author concludes that at work here is the expansion of the security partnerships with which the state surrounds itself; this strikes a rather postmodern note: the system of a once all-powerful Leviathan today is just a notch removed from its natural state. 20 References. Adapted from the source document.

As a democratic & economically developed country, whose interests are not any different from those of Western democratic states, the Republic of Croatia may be a decisive factor in the future processes of stabilization in the region. It occupies a very important place in the regional geopolitical structures & might influence the future development of the neighboring countries & regions, especially through the continuation of democratic transition & the improvement of the relations with its neighbors. Hence, the importance of its policies. Its future geopolitical initiatives regarding the stabilization & security of the region can be viewed in relation to their importance within global & regional geopolitical structures, to its participation in the processes of the fragmentation of Southeastern Europe, & to its geographical, cultural/religious, & historical/geopolitical environment. 3 Figures. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the relationship between political science & political education by identifying the fundamental contributions of political science to the design, implementation, & promotion of political education & lists the most significant political science arguments proving the necessity of political education. Drawing on research by Putnam, Ostroom, & others, he tries to show how the so-called social capital, to a large extent inclusive of the contents of democratic political culture, is a major factor in the efficient operation of democratic government & in the political development of democracy. The three most important issues (dimensions) of politics that compose the axis of political education are analyzed in detail, dealing with the relationships between politics & democracy, citizenship & identity, & cohesion & diversity (fragmentation & pluralization) in society. The answers to these questions (liberal, communitarian, republican, postmodern) influence the concept of political education: its terms, goals, programs, methods, & other aspects of its implementation. The author stresses the complexity of these dimensions & consequently the sensitivity of political education. Adapted from the source document.

The ownership structure is one of the determining factors in the development of all agricultures; Croatia's is not an exception to this rule. In the long run, the ownership structure is undoubtedly going to determine the direction of the development of the market-oriented Croatian agriculture. The process of building the ownership structure appropriate to the market economy is neither simple not fast, let alone cheap. An overnight change in the ownership structure is neither possible nor prudent. The existing ownership structure of Croatian agriculture is the result of a century & a half long historical development. Socioeconomic & political factors exerted a strong influence on the process of the ownership structure's formation. Today Croatia has an "atomized" estate of only 2.9 hectares. A century ago the average size of estates was 8 hectares. This fragmentation is a direct result of the agrarian reform & colonization in the second Yugoslavia when the land maximum was reduced to 10 hectares. The existing -- very unfavorable structure -- should be in the transitional period gradually adapted to the family economy as the basis of future development, which will be market-oriented, cost-effective, & profitable. 3 Tables, 23 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author discusses the political effects of Hungarian electoral law on the formation of the Hungarian parliament. Although the makers of the new electoral law argued that the democratic legislative body should widely & justly represent all interests, points of view, & opinions of the electoral body, electoral law only partly stimulates proportionality. The disproportionate effects of the Hungarian electoral law (system) have been caused, according to the author, by several elements: namely, the prohibitive clause, the application of the electoral number procedure (the Hagenbach-Bischoff method & the Hare method), the two-thirds rule for the distribution of the remaining mandates, & the size of the electoral districts. In the 1990 parliamentary elections, the combined electoral system (that fuses electoral systems belonging to two different types -- the majority & the proportional system) achieved one of its basic political aims; it made great party fragmentation on the parliamentary level impossible, although a comparatively large number of political parties participated in the electoral process. One of the first effects of Hungarian electoral law on the formation of the Hungarian parliament was a reduction of multiparliamentarism. 8 Tables, 33 References. Adapted from the source document.

Pitanje prave mjere decentralizacije unutar Grada Zagreba analizira se u širem okviru. Ističe se decentralizacija kao jedan od temeljnih reformskih procesa u suvremenim političko-upravljačkim sustavima europskih zemalja. No, decentralizacija nije jedini proces koji utječe na formiranje dobrih standarda upravljanja gradovima: nužno je uzeti u obzir i doktrinu dobrog upravljanja, koju podupire Europska unija, niz drugih međunarodnih organizacija, ali i sve veći broj zemalja. U ostvarenju standarda dobrog gradskog upravljanja razmatra se uloga mjesne samouprave u Hrvatskoj, a napose u velikim gradovima i Gradu Zagrebu. Upozorava se da osnivanje preko dvije stotine mjesnih odbora kao zasebnih pravnih osoba vodi prema fragmentaciji Grada Zagreba i bitno otežava ili čak i onemogućuje integrirano gradsko upravljanje i smisleno rješavanje urbanih i upravljačkih problema. ; The issue of adequate decentralisation within the City of Zagreb is analysed in the broader frame. Decentralisation is one of the main reform processes of the current governance system in European countries. However, decentralisation is not the only process that influences the standards of good urban governance. Good governance doctrine, supported and implemented in the European Union, many other international organisations, and increasing number of countries world-wide, should be taken into consideration as well. The role of territorial selfgovernment below municipal level in implementation of good urban governance standards in Croatia, especially within large cities and the City of Zagreb, is discussed. It should be emphasised that establishing more than two hundred of territorial committees as separate and full legal entities can cause managerial fragmentation in the City of Zagreb and hinder or even impede integral urban management and sound solving of numerous urban and managerial problems.

A Croatian translation of an English paper delivered at the conference, "The New Dialog between Central Europe and Japan. Part Five. The Countries of Southeastern Europe in Transition: Between Globalization, Integration, and Fragmentation," held in Zagreb, 12-14 Sept 2002. Although the condition of democratization has never been precisely spelled out by the European Union (EU) for candidate states & the organization has no clear concept of democratic consolidation for the continent, the postcommunist countries desiring EU membership have made serious efforts to develop democratic institutions & legislative frameworks to accommodate EU democratic standards. Thus, there is a palpable link between the process of EU enlargement with new members & the spread of democracy in Central & Southeastern Europe. A comparison of Slovakia & Romania demonstrates, however, that individual candidate countries achieved these objectives through different paths, on their own timetable, & with different end results. The Slovak experience during the third term of Vladimir Meciar's government, 1994-1998, shows that pressures for the implementation of democratic political conditions are ineffective if a national government does not consider EU membership a priority. However, the new Dzurinda government reacted positively to the EU political conditioning & implemented a series of democratic reforms, overcoming occasional difficulties in achieving consensus on contentious issues. In Romania, the impact of democratic conditionality was rather negligible before the change of government in 1996, while slow at best during the Centrist-Right government that followed. Although the return to power of social democrats in 2000 accelerated democratization in this country, progress overall was impeded by economic hardships & the ineffectiveness of state administration. 32 References. Adapted from the source document.

Selv om norske myndigheter ligger på verdenstoppen i digitalisering av offentlige tjenester, står landets forsvar fremdeles «på stedet hvil». I kjernen av problemet finner vi en styringsmodell der 14 ulike forsvarsgrener og selvstendige driftsenheter kjemper om makt og innflytelse. Dette gjelder særlig i spørsmålet om hvem som skal ha ansvar og myndighet når Forsvarets IKT-systemer skal knyttes sammen for å øke cyberberedskapen. Hvordan kan vi beskrive, forklare og forstå de digitale problemene som Forsvaret står oppe i? Nyere forskning gir ikke klare svar, blant annet fordi de fleste studiene er opptatt av å studere utfordringene som kommer utenfra og inn mot Norge. Spørsmålet om hvorfor Forsvaret ikke klarer å forsvare seg mot cyberangrep, eller hvorfor etaten ikke holder tritt med resten av samfunnet, forblir derfor ubesvart. Ved å bruke instrumentelle og kulturelle perspektiver fra organisasjonsteorien finner vi store huller i forsvarsevnen på grunn av intern fragmentering og rivalisering.
Abstract in English:National Defence in a Digital Crisis?Even though the Norwegian authorities are world leaders in digitalization of public services, its armed forces are falling behind. In its essence, the problem lies in a management model with 14 different services striving for power and influence. This is particularly so when it comes to whom should have supreme authority as information and communication technology (ICT) systems are standardised across the force. How can we describe, explain and comprehend this digital complexity? Contemporary research does not provide clear answers, much due to over-emphasis on external cyberthreats. The question of why Norway's armed forces are incapable of providing a proper defence against cyberthreats therefore remains unanswered. By means of instrumental and cultural theories, we find grave deficiencies due to internal rivalry and organisational fragmentation.

Norges internasjonale klimapolitikk har alltid hatt som målsetting å oppnå et mest mulig enhetlig globalt klimaregime. Parisavtalen reflekterer i stedet – og bidrar til å forsterke – et fragmentert klimaregime med et mylder av nye samarbeidsformer mellom land. I denne artikkelen trekker vi frem tre trender som preger det nye klimaregimet: et skifte fra klima- til grønn industripolitikk; økende spenning mellom klima- og handelspolitikk; og tettere sammenkobling mellom klima- og petroleumspolitikk. Vi viser hvordan nye klimaklubber både lager nye spilleregler og oppstår som motsvar til disse. Vi ønsker med dette å vise hvordan et fragmentert klimaregime fører til nye rammevilkår og utfordringer for norsk klimapolitikk. Klimaklubbkvalene omfatter både problemstillinger knyttet til hvem Norge skal samarbeide med og hvordan slikt samarbeid skal formaliseres, men også konsekvensene av å samarbeide med noen fremfor andre.
Abstract in English:Norway's Climate Club QuandaryNorway's international climate policy has always aimed at building a unitary global climate regime. However, the Paris Agreement reflects and accelerates the fragmentation of the climate regime and has been accompanied by the emergence of a myriad of new climate initiatives between countries. This article highlights three trends that characterize the emerging climate regime: a shift from climate to green industrial policy; rising tension between climate and trade policy and pressure to merge climate and petroleum policy. We illustrate how climate clubs both create new rules within the climate regime and are formed in response to such rules. Navigating this new international landscape will be a central challenge for Norwegian climate policy moving forward. Norway's climate club quandary in this context implies choices between different political strategies and competing interests and with possible consequences for what type of climate regime Norway will contribute to. The climate club quandary is both related whom Norway seeks to collaborate with and the formalization of such collaboration, but also the consequences of collaborating with some countries and not with others.

Sentralforvaltningen her til lands har de siste tiårene blitt internasjonalisert. Globale spørsmål legger beslag på stadig større ressurser i staten, men samordningen mellom departementene har ikke utviklet seg i samme takt. Norsk utenrikspolitikk ligger derfor ikke bare fast, den ligger også spredt. Komplekse globale utfordringer (terror, klimaendringer, pandemier, biodiversitet, cybertrusler, migrasjon m.v.) krever et langt tettere samarbeid for blant annet å reversere økt fragmentering – i en offentlig sektor hvor vi er satt opp med sterke fagdepartementer og svake samordningsmekanismer. Samtidig innvarsler byggingen av det nye regjeringskvartalet endringer i måten norsk (utenriks)politikk vil bli gjennomført på. Forholdet mellom fagspesialister og diplomatiske generalister blir tettere og vil utfordre den diplomatiske rollen og selvforståelsen på nye måter. Diplomatiets kjerneoppgaver vil endres. Blant annet vil langt bedre koordinering bli en hovedutfordring for utenrikspolitikken. Artikkelen trekker derfor opp noen problemstillinger og forslag som innspill til debatten,
Abstract in English:Track IV: The Future of DiplomacyOver the past decades, Norwegian ministries have become more internationalized. Global issues take up ever more of their time and resources, but cross-sectorial coordination has been lagging behind. Norwegian foreign policy is therefore fragmented. Complex global challenges (terrorism, climate change, pandemics, biodiversity, cyber threats, migration, etc.) call for much closer inter-ministerial cooperation to reverse increased fragmentation – in a public sector where sectorial responsibilities are strong and coordination mechanisms few. The new block housing most of the offices of the Government in central Oslo is a signal change for how Norwegian foreign policies will be conducted in the years ahead. Sector specialists and diplomatic generalists will move closer together, working under the same roof, and this will challenge the classic diplomatic role and the way diplomats look at themselves. Our core tasks will change. Improved coordination will move to the forefront of the work we do. The article presents an idea or two for a much-needed debate.

Responding to criticisms & discussions about the non-existence of European Union's human rights policy, the article claims that this policy exists although it has been developing inconsistently both at the level of the Union's internal affairs & at the level of its relations with third countries. The second key hypothesis of the article refers to the institutional implementation mechanisms of the Union's human rights policy which, according to the author, require new positioning & better coordination. The article firstly analyses the development of the human rights policy in the Union's internal affairs from the Stauder Case in 1969 to recent discussions on the legal force of the Union's Charter of Fundamental Rights & the accession of the Union to the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights & Fundamental Freedoms. The second part of the article gives an overview of human rights policy development in the Union's external relations from the Fourth Lome Convention to the European Neighbourhood Policy. The paper ends with an analysis of the features common to the Union's human rights policy implementation mechanisms focusing on the role of the Commission, the Parliament & the Council of the Union. The article points to the lack of institutional harmonization using the European Instrument for Democracy & Human Rights as an example & sees in the establishment of the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights the need to introduce changes in the implementation of the human rights policy. In a conclusion, the author identifies the complexity & fragmentation of the Union as a system on the one hand and, on the other hand, the omnipresence of human rights protection & promotion in the Union's public policies as the key factors encumbering the control over the human rights policy implementation & the cause of its perceived deficit. Adapted from the source document.

Suvremeno novinarstvo mijenja se velikom brzinom i istodobno se suočava s krizom koja se odražava u sve većem nepovjerenju u medije, ali i sve većim pritiscima tržišta. Pažnju publike mediji privlače neprestanim potenciranjem dramatičnosti i proizvođenjem sukoba. Vijest se više ne temelji na nečem što se stvarno dogodilo i što je relevantno, nego na nečemu što je umjetno proizvedeno. U ovom se radu prati geneza jednoga tonskog isječka (engl. sound bite), dijela izjave hrvatskog premijera Zorana Milanovića, koji je dospio u udarne vijesti televizijskih informativnih emisija, rasplamsao rasprave i postao glavna tema novinarskih izvještaja. Na primjeru jednog fragmenta, isječka izjave političara, opisuje se kako se, kada se izostavi kontekst, stvara nova medijska priča. Sljedećih nekoliko dana političari, stručnjaci, branitelji, ali i obični građani bili su akteri te priče, a da se ni jednom nije spomenulo u kojem je kontekstu izgovorena ta izjava. Demokratska debata je izostala. Rad se usredotočuje na raspravu o fragmentaciji vijesti i njihovoj izolaciji od konteksta. Na navedenom primjeru pokazuje se kako su informativne vrijednosti (ono što vijest jest) zamagljene, pa stoga vijesti prestaju biti izvor informacija i poticaj za raspravu o bitnim nacionalnim pitanjima. ; Media environment is rapidly changing and facing a widespread crisis in journalism. It is followed by the decline of audience trust and increasing market pressures. The main goal is to win the audience's attention, very often by creating drama and producing 'conflict'. The news is not based on something that really happened and that is relevant, but it is more often manufactured or artificially produced. In this case study we explore the curious life cycle of a sound bite from a passing remark by the then Croatian Prime Minister Zoran Milanović's to the headlines, discussions and extensive reports which developed over the course of several days. This example shows how news could be manufactured and content blurred when it is built around a fragment without providing the context, in this case a political quote. For several days, politicians, experts, war veterans, but also ordinary citizens were involved in the manufactured news story without making a reference to the context. Consequently, the democratic debate was avoided. Drawing on a discussion of news fragmentation as isolation from context, we show that in this case, news values (what news is) are increasingly blurred, preventing the news from becoming the source of information and discussion of the country's key issues.

Razvoj društveno odgovornih politika i praksi promatra se ne samo preko prizme konkurentske prednosti, nego kao ključan čimbenik za održivu budućnost tvrtke, ali i društva u cjelini. Promocijom društveno odgovornoga poslovanja tvrtke šalju poruke različitim skupinama kao što su ulagači, potrošači, zaposlenici te tako ulažu u svoju budućnost. Niz dokumenata i deklaracija kao što su UN Global Compact i Strategija održivog razvoja naglašavaju važnost društveno odgovornoga ponašanja. Potrošači su sve svjesniji značenja takva ponašanja tvrtki te, u skladu s tim, imaju i očekivanja odgovornoga ponašanja. Činjenica je da globalno zatopljenje te sve veće iskorištavanje prirodnih resursa potiču primjenu društveno odgovornoga poslovanja (DOP-a), kako na državnim razinama i institucijama pisanjem raznih naputaka, globalnih ciljeva, tako i na korporativnim razinama uključivanjem u strategije kompanija. Održivi razvoj smatra se ključem opstanka društva. U Bosni i Hercegovini društveno odgovorno ponašanje nejasno je i složeno definirano, zarobljeno u raljama složeno ustavno-pravnoga poretka države, fragmentiranosti BiH tržišta, nedovoljne razvijenosti zemlje, složenosti donošenja bilo kakvih odluka te filantropijskoga razmišljanja unutar kompanija. Proces približavanja Bosne i Hercegovine Europskoj uniji odvija se sporo. Godišnji izvještaji, smjernice i politike stalno ukazuju na potrebe bržega razvoja socioekonomskoga okruženja. Cilj je ovoga rada prikazati ekonomske i pravne pretpostavke za razvoj društveno odgovornoga poslovanja u Bosni i Hercegovini. Za cjelovitiju sliku primjene DOP-a u praksi, bit će obrađeni primjeri tvrtki. ; The development of socially responsible politics and praxis is viewed not only through the prism of competitive advantage, but as a key factor for sustainable future of a company, as well as for the society as a whole. By promoting corporate social responsibility, the companies send messages to different groups, such as investors, consumers, employees and in that way they invest in their future. A series of documents and declarations such as UN Global Impact and Strategy of Sustainable Development emphasize the importance of corporate social responsibility. Consumers are becoming more aware of such behaviour of a company, and following that they have the expectations of responsible behaviour. It is evident that global heating and increased exploit of natural resources initiate a change of the corporate social responsibility (CSR) on both the state and institutional levels through adoption of different instructions and global goals, and on corporate levels through inclusion in the companies' strategies. Sustainable development is considered the key to the survival of society. Corporate social behaviour in Bosnia and Herzegovina is unclear and defined in a complex way, trapped in the composite constitutional-legal system of the country, influenced by fragmentation of B&H market, insufficient development of the country, the complexity of adoption of any kind of decisions and philanthropic thinking within companies. The process of accession of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the EU runs slowly. Annual reports, instructions and politics are constantly indicating the need for quicker development of socio-economic environment. The goal of this work is to present economic and legal assumptions for the development of corporate social responsibility in Bosnia and Herzegovina. For the complete picture of the application of CSR in practice, the examples of companies will be elaborated.