Nationwide electoral thresholds (NETs) are known to secure a parliamentary majority for the largest party, reduce party system fragmentation, and prevent extreme, minor, or non-core group parties from entering parliament. By comparing Greece and Turkey, which have applied NETs since 1993 and 1983 respectively, this article investigates why some of these aims have not been achieved. Using time-series data since 1950, we show that neither country needed to introduce NETs to establish single-party governments. Rather, they were implemented primarily to prevent non-core groups from entering parliament as a party. This caused disproportional legislative representation, especially in Turkey. Although Turkey's NET initially reduced the raw number of parties contesting elections, this effect weakened in the long run and, in contrast to the literature, increased party system fragmentation. Finally, extreme parties have benefitted from Greece's fragmented party system since 2012 whereas electoral engineering in Turkey has failed to prevent non-core groups from passing the electoral threshold.
The article looks into the changes in the parties & the social structure of the first House of the Croatian parliament (the Sabor) in the transitional period. A total of 26 political parties have had seats in the parliament -- 16 of them securing their place through prior support of the electoral body, & 10 solely through individual lists. The author shows that this party fragmentation has occurred due to the process of parliamentary parties' factioning & the transfer of delegates from parliamentary to nonparliamentary parties. The degree of party fragmentation in the Sabor is considered moderate & not disruptive for the functioning of the parliament. This is due to the continued mandated dominance of the majority party & to the fact that the party fragmentation has primarily involved the opposition parties. An analysis of the social-demographic characteristics of the representatives shows that the Sabor is dominated by male, college-educated, 48-year-old Croats with a bit more than four years of parliamentary experience. The educational structure of the Sabor does not differ much from other European parliaments, but the number of senior representatives is somewhat higher than in other European countries, while the share of women is lamentable under all democratic standards. It has been suggested that the most effective strategy that the Croatian parliamentary political parties could employ regarding gender & age representation are internally determined quotas for women & young people on their candidates' lists for elections. This would indirectly influence the social structure & the level of democracy of the Croatian parliament. 7 Tables, 1 Appendix, 38 References. Adapted from the source document.
The author's starting assumption is that the state monopoly of force is being deconstructed through the fragmentation of security interests, the privatization of public security, & the executive deficits of the state monopoly of force. It is shown that the privatization of public security is an extremely subtle phenomenon with a huge scope. Namely, the economization of habitats resulting from globalization leads to the mushrooming of private security services. The first consequence of this is the fragmentation of the social sphere & the creation of privately organized protective zones; the second is the partnership of private & polity interests. The author consequently concludes that the state cannot any longer guarantee internal security. The segregationist culture contributes to the diminishing of the state monopoly of force. This is especially noticeable in the Third World countries where force is often not controlled by the state but by various communitarian or commercial organizations. The supranational integrational processes have a similar effect. The author concludes that at work here is the expansion of the security partnerships with which the state surrounds itself; this strikes a rather postmodern note: the system of a once all-powerful Leviathan today is just a notch removed from its natural state. 20 References. Adapted from the source document.
As a democratic & economically developed country, whose interests are not any different from those of Western democratic states, the Republic of Croatia may be a decisive factor in the future processes of stabilization in the region. It occupies a very important place in the regional geopolitical structures & might influence the future development of the neighboring countries & regions, especially through the continuation of democratic transition & the improvement of the relations with its neighbors. Hence, the importance of its policies. Its future geopolitical initiatives regarding the stabilization & security of the region can be viewed in relation to their importance within global & regional geopolitical structures, to its participation in the processes of the fragmentation of Southeastern Europe, & to its geographical, cultural/religious, & historical/geopolitical environment. 3 Figures. Adapted from the source document.
The author analyzes the relationship between political science & political education by identifying the fundamental contributions of political science to the design, implementation, & promotion of political education & lists the most significant political science arguments proving the necessity of political education. Drawing on research by Putnam, Ostroom, & others, he tries to show how the so-called social capital, to a large extent inclusive of the contents of democratic political culture, is a major factor in the efficient operation of democratic government & in the political development of democracy. The three most important issues (dimensions) of politics that compose the axis of political education are analyzed in detail, dealing with the relationships between politics & democracy, citizenship & identity, & cohesion & diversity (fragmentation & pluralization) in society. The answers to these questions (liberal, communitarian, republican, postmodern) influence the concept of political education: its terms, goals, programs, methods, & other aspects of its implementation. The author stresses the complexity of these dimensions & consequently the sensitivity of political education. Adapted from the source document.
The term co-radicalization refers to intergroup hostilities leading to conflicts through cycles of reciprocal threat. This article explores the concept of co-radicalization in violent and non-violent terms and its potential application particularly in Turkey and broadly in the Middle East, a region characterized by ethnic, cultural and religious diversity, as well as socio-economic disparities. Drawing from the social fragmentations recently observed in Turkey, where scientific research on radicalism and co-radicalization is insufficient, the article offers several subjects of scrutiny, including (1) socio-economic co-radicalization between the native and migrant people in the fringes of the urban spaces, (2) the religious norm carriership led by the state institutions and the rise of "Deism" and atheism in response, and (3) the variety of non-violent radical expressions feeding each other, from music to satire. We conclude that the study of co-radicalization should be distinguished from the reductionist approaches to the concept, which tend to take terrorism and radicalism synonymously; the social scientific goal is to gain a deeper understanding of the complex dynamics behind societal divisions.
The ownership structure is one of the determining factors in the development of all agricultures; Croatia's is not an exception to this rule. In the long run, the ownership structure is undoubtedly going to determine the direction of the development of the market-oriented Croatian agriculture. The process of building the ownership structure appropriate to the market economy is neither simple not fast, let alone cheap. An overnight change in the ownership structure is neither possible nor prudent. The existing ownership structure of Croatian agriculture is the result of a century & a half long historical development. Socioeconomic & political factors exerted a strong influence on the process of the ownership structure's formation. Today Croatia has an "atomized" estate of only 2.9 hectares. A century ago the average size of estates was 8 hectares. This fragmentation is a direct result of the agrarian reform & colonization in the second Yugoslavia when the land maximum was reduced to 10 hectares. The existing -- very unfavorable structure -- should be in the transitional period gradually adapted to the family economy as the basis of future development, which will be market-oriented, cost-effective, & profitable. 3 Tables, 23 References. Adapted from the source document.
The author discusses the political effects of Hungarian electoral law on the formation of the Hungarian parliament. Although the makers of the new electoral law argued that the democratic legislative body should widely & justly represent all interests, points of view, & opinions of the electoral body, electoral law only partly stimulates proportionality. The disproportionate effects of the Hungarian electoral law (system) have been caused, according to the author, by several elements: namely, the prohibitive clause, the application of the electoral number procedure (the Hagenbach-Bischoff method & the Hare method), the two-thirds rule for the distribution of the remaining mandates, & the size of the electoral districts. In the 1990 parliamentary elections, the combined electoral system (that fuses electoral systems belonging to two different types -- the majority & the proportional system) achieved one of its basic political aims; it made great party fragmentation on the parliamentary level impossible, although a comparatively large number of political parties participated in the electoral process. One of the first effects of Hungarian electoral law on the formation of the Hungarian parliament was a reduction of multiparliamentarism. 8 Tables, 33 References. Adapted from the source document.
Pitanje prave mjere decentralizacije unutar Grada Zagreba analizira se u širem okviru. Ističe se decentralizacija kao jedan od temeljnih reformskih procesa u suvremenim političko-upravljačkim sustavima europskih zemalja. No, decentralizacija nije jedini proces koji utječe na formiranje dobrih standarda upravljanja gradovima: nužno je uzeti u obzir i doktrinu dobrog upravljanja, koju podupire Europska unija, niz drugih međunarodnih organizacija, ali i sve veći broj zemalja. U ostvarenju standarda dobrog gradskog upravljanja razmatra se uloga mjesne samouprave u Hrvatskoj, a napose u velikim gradovima i Gradu Zagrebu. Upozorava se da osnivanje preko dvije stotine mjesnih odbora kao zasebnih pravnih osoba vodi prema fragmentaciji Grada Zagreba i bitno otežava ili čak i onemogućuje integrirano gradsko upravljanje i smisleno rješavanje urbanih i upravljačkih problema. ; The issue of adequate decentralisation within the City of Zagreb is analysed in the broader frame. Decentralisation is one of the main reform processes of the current governance system in European countries. However, decentralisation is not the only process that influences the standards of good urban governance. Good governance doctrine, supported and implemented in the European Union, many other international organisations, and increasing number of countries world-wide, should be taken into consideration as well. The role of territorial selfgovernment below municipal level in implementation of good urban governance standards in Croatia, especially within large cities and the City of Zagreb, is discussed. It should be emphasised that establishing more than two hundred of territorial committees as separate and full legal entities can cause managerial fragmentation in the City of Zagreb and hinder or even impede integral urban management and sound solving of numerous urban and managerial problems.
A Croatian translation of an English paper delivered at the conference, "The New Dialog between Central Europe and Japan. Part Five. The Countries of Southeastern Europe in Transition: Between Globalization, Integration, and Fragmentation," held in Zagreb, 12-14 Sept 2002. Although the condition of democratization has never been precisely spelled out by the European Union (EU) for candidate states & the organization has no clear concept of democratic consolidation for the continent, the postcommunist countries desiring EU membership have made serious efforts to develop democratic institutions & legislative frameworks to accommodate EU democratic standards. Thus, there is a palpable link between the process of EU enlargement with new members & the spread of democracy in Central & Southeastern Europe. A comparison of Slovakia & Romania demonstrates, however, that individual candidate countries achieved these objectives through different paths, on their own timetable, & with different end results. The Slovak experience during the third term of Vladimir Meciar's government, 1994-1998, shows that pressures for the implementation of democratic political conditions are ineffective if a national government does not consider EU membership a priority. However, the new Dzurinda government reacted positively to the EU political conditioning & implemented a series of democratic reforms, overcoming occasional difficulties in achieving consensus on contentious issues. In Romania, the impact of democratic conditionality was rather negligible before the change of government in 1996, while slow at best during the Centrist-Right government that followed. Although the return to power of social democrats in 2000 accelerated democratization in this country, progress overall was impeded by economic hardships & the ineffectiveness of state administration. 32 References. Adapted from the source document.
Responding to criticisms & discussions about the non-existence of European Union's human rights policy, the article claims that this policy exists although it has been developing inconsistently both at the level of the Union's internal affairs & at the level of its relations with third countries. The second key hypothesis of the article refers to the institutional implementation mechanisms of the Union's human rights policy which, according to the author, require new positioning & better coordination. The article firstly analyses the development of the human rights policy in the Union's internal affairs from the Stauder Case in 1969 to recent discussions on the legal force of the Union's Charter of Fundamental Rights & the accession of the Union to the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights & Fundamental Freedoms. The second part of the article gives an overview of human rights policy development in the Union's external relations from the Fourth Lome Convention to the European Neighbourhood Policy. The paper ends with an analysis of the features common to the Union's human rights policy implementation mechanisms focusing on the role of the Commission, the Parliament & the Council of the Union. The article points to the lack of institutional harmonization using the European Instrument for Democracy & Human Rights as an example & sees in the establishment of the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights the need to introduce changes in the implementation of the human rights policy. In a conclusion, the author identifies the complexity & fragmentation of the Union as a system on the one hand and, on the other hand, the omnipresence of human rights protection & promotion in the Union's public policies as the key factors encumbering the control over the human rights policy implementation & the cause of its perceived deficit. Adapted from the source document.
Uluslararası Sistem, Soğuk Savaş'ın sona ermesi ve Sovyet Sosyalist Cumhuriyetler Birliği'nin (SSCB) çöküşü gibi olaylar neticesinde bazı değişimlere uğramıştır. Bu değişimler kapsamında Yugoslavya'da iç karışıklıklar çıkmış ve Yugoslavya parçalanmıştır. Bu gelişme uluslararası sistem ve uluslararası politika üzerinde bazı etkiler ortaya çıkarmıştır. Amerika Birleşik Devletleri'nin (ABD) özellikle SSCB'nin çöküşünün ardından yeni bir düzen oluşturma adına sürdürdüğü faaliyetler, Avrupa Topluluğu'nun savunma ve güvenlik açısından ortak bir yapı kurma girişimleri, Kuzey Atlantik Antlaşması Organizasyonu (NATO) ve Birleşmiş Milletler (BM) benzeri uluslararası kuruluşların izledikleri politikaların uluslararası sistem kadar Yugoslavya'nın parçalanma sürecinde de etkili olduğunu ifade etmek mümkündür. Yugoslavya'da tarihsel süreç içerisinde problem yaşayan etnik grupların beraber yaşamak durumunda kalmaları, bunlar arasındaki problemlerin devam etmesi dağılma sürecini hızlandırmıştır. Bununla birlikte iktisadi açıdan bölgeler arasındaki gelişmişlik farkları, etnik gruplar arasındaki problemlerin daha da büyümesine neden olmuştur. Bu çalışmanın amacı Yugoslavya'nın parçalanmasının uluslararası sistem ve politika üzerindeki etkilerinin anlaşılmasıdır. Bu bağlamda uluslararası sistem ile Konstrüktivist yaklaşımlar da bu konuyla ilgili olarak ele alınmıştır. ; The international system has undergone some change sdueto the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the USSR. In the context of the sechanges, the rehave been some internal turmoil in Yugoslavia and Yugoslavia has been fragmented as a result of the sein ternalturmoil. This fragmentation has had some impact on the international system and international policy. The United States of America (USA), in particular, following the collapse of the USSR in order toestablish a new order of activities, the European Community to create a common structure in terms of defense and security, NATO and United Nations international organizations, such as the policies followed by the international system. It is also possible to say that Yugoslavia is effective in the process of disintegration. The fact that ethnic groups living in Yugoslavia who have problems in the historical process live to gether and the problems between the seethnic groups continue to accelerate the process of disintegration. On the other hand, the differences in economic development between regions have caused problems between ethnic groups to groweven more. The aim of this study is tounderstand the impact of the disintegration of Yugoslavia on the international system and policy. In this context, the international system and the Constructivist approachesare discussed in this respect. As a result of the evaluations, it is expected tounderstand the effects of the global changes in Yugoslavia.
Suvremeno novinarstvo mijenja se velikom brzinom i istodobno se suočava s krizom koja se odražava u sve većem nepovjerenju u medije, ali i sve većim pritiscima tržišta. Pažnju publike mediji privlače neprestanim potenciranjem dramatičnosti i proizvođenjem sukoba. Vijest se više ne temelji na nečem što se stvarno dogodilo i što je relevantno, nego na nečemu što je umjetno proizvedeno. U ovom se radu prati geneza jednoga tonskog isječka (engl. sound bite), dijela izjave hrvatskog premijera Zorana Milanovića, koji je dospio u udarne vijesti televizijskih informativnih emisija, rasplamsao rasprave i postao glavna tema novinarskih izvještaja. Na primjeru jednog fragmenta, isječka izjave političara, opisuje se kako se, kada se izostavi kontekst, stvara nova medijska priča. Sljedećih nekoliko dana političari, stručnjaci, branitelji, ali i obični građani bili su akteri te priče, a da se ni jednom nije spomenulo u kojem je kontekstu izgovorena ta izjava. Demokratska debata je izostala. Rad se usredotočuje na raspravu o fragmentaciji vijesti i njihovoj izolaciji od konteksta. Na navedenom primjeru pokazuje se kako su informativne vrijednosti (ono što vijest jest) zamagljene, pa stoga vijesti prestaju biti izvor informacija i poticaj za raspravu o bitnim nacionalnim pitanjima. ; Media environment is rapidly changing and facing a widespread crisis in journalism. It is followed by the decline of audience trust and increasing market pressures. The main goal is to win the audience's attention, very often by creating drama and producing 'conflict'. The news is not based on something that really happened and that is relevant, but it is more often manufactured or artificially produced. In this case study we explore the curious life cycle of a sound bite from a passing remark by the then Croatian Prime Minister Zoran Milanović's to the headlines, discussions and extensive reports which developed over the course of several days. This example shows how news could be manufactured and content blurred when it is built around a fragment without providing the context, in this case a political quote. For several days, politicians, experts, war veterans, but also ordinary citizens were involved in the manufactured news story without making a reference to the context. Consequently, the democratic debate was avoided. Drawing on a discussion of news fragmentation as isolation from context, we show that in this case, news values (what news is) are increasingly blurred, preventing the news from becoming the source of information and discussion of the country's key issues.
1961 Anayasası ile devlet teşkilatı ve siyasi hayat yeniden şekillendirilmiştir. Bu yapı ile ortaya çıkan çoğulcu siyasi hayat, yeni partilerin önünü açmıştır. Ancak altmışlı yılların ikinci yarısından sonra hızlanan siyasi, sosyal ve ekonomik dönüşüm, devlet organizasyonunda ve toplumsal hayatta yeni problemleri ortaya çıkarmıştır. Özellikle öğrenci olayları ve işçi eylemleri rejimi tehdit eder hale gelmiştir. 12 Mart 1971'de Genelkurmay Başkanı ile Kara, Deniz ve Hava Kuvvetleri Komutanları, Türk Silahlı Kuvvetleri İç Hizmet Kanunu'nun 35. maddesini dayanak göstererek, cumhuriyet tarihinin ikinci askeri müdahalesini gerçekleştirmiştir. Müdahale, mevcut siyasi yapılar ve devlet örgütlenmesinde önemli değişim yaratacak bir süreç başlatmıştır. Altmışlı yılların sonunda merkez sağ ve sol partilerde artan parti içi bunalımlar ve parçalanmalar hız kazanmıştır. Demokrat Partili siyasilerin affı meselesi Adalet Partisinde buhranı büyütürken, Cumhuriyet Halk Partisinde, İsmet İnönü ve Bülent Ecevit arasında muhtıraya karşı takınılacak tavır konusunda yaşanan fikir ayrılığı, Ecevit'in istifasıyla sonuçlanmıştır. 1961 Anayasası'nın çoğulcu anlayışı sonrası kurulan Milli Nizam Partisi ve Türkiye İşçi Partisi, Anayasa Mahkemesince bu süreçte kapatılmıştır. Gelinen noktanın temel sorumlularından birisi olarak görülen anayasanın evrensel boyutlu özgürlük anlayışı daraltılmış, özerk kurumların bu yapısı sınırlandırılarak yürütmenin gücü arttırılmaya çalışılmıştır. Anayasa üzerinde yapılan tadilatla rejime tehdit olarak görülmeye başlayan siyasi, sosyal ve ekonomik haklar önemli ölçüde sınırlandırılmıştır. ; The 1961 Constitution reshaped the state organization and political life. The pluralist political life that emerged with this structure has paved the way for new parties. However, the political, social and economic transformation, which accelerated after the second half of the decade, has exposed new problems in state organization and social life. Especially student incidents and worker actions have become a threat to the regime. On March 12, 1971, the chief of the General Staff and the Commanders of the Land, Sea and Air Forces were appointed to article 35 of the Turkish Armed Forces Internal Service Act and carried out the second military intervention in the history of the republic. The intervention has initiated a process that will create significant change in political structures and state organization. At the end of the decade, the increasing intra-party crises and fragmentations in the center-right and left parties have gained momentum. While the issue of amnesty of Democratic Party politicians grew the depression in the Justice Party, the disagreement in the Republican People's Party, between Ismet Inonu and Bulent Ecevit, resulted in Ecevit's resignation. The National Order Party and the Workers' Party of Turkey, which was established after the pluralism of the 1961 Constitution, were closed by the Constitutional Court. The universaldimensional understanding of freedom of the constitution, which is seen as one of the main responsibilities of the point reached, has been narrowed and the power of execution has been tried to be increased by limiting this structure of autonomous institutions. Political, social and economic rights, which are seen as a threat to the regime through the amendment slated for the constitution, have been significantly limited.
Bu tezin kuramsal kapsamı dahilinde Brexit'in AB bütünleşmesi üzerindeki etkilerini araştırmak, bu değerlendirmeyi İngiltere-AB ilişkileri ve küresel etkileri bağlamında gerçekleştirmektir. Bu tezde niteliksel bir araştırma yöntemi olan süreç takibi analizi uygulanmaya çabalanmış ve Avrupa şüpheciliğinin, Brexit'i tetikleyen ve onu üreten süreçte nedensel bir mekanizma olduğu iddia edilmektedir. Dolayısıyla, Brexit'in, Birleşik Krallık'ın Avrupa Ekonomik Topluluğu ile ilk müzakerelerinden itibaren Avrupa siyasi bütünleşme projesine yönelik şüpheci ve hevessiz eğiliminin sonucu olduğunu iddia etmektedir. Aynı zamanda, Brexit'in Avrupa bütünleşmesi üzerindeki muhtemel etkisini ele alarak; birincisi Avrupa şüpheciliğinin etkisinde olan ve AB'nin parçalanmasına ve zayıflamasına yol açan geniş yörüngenin farkında olmanın (merkezkaç yörüngesi) önemine dikkat çekmektedir. İkincisi, AB içerisinde daha fazla işbirliğine yol açabilecek ve Avrupa bütünleşme sürecinin güçlendirilmesine yol açabilecek potansiyeli algılamanın önemine vurgu yapmaktadır (merkezcil yörünge). Brexit, AB'nin yönünü belirleyen daha geniş bir belirsizlik alanının bir parçasıdır. Ardışık AB krizlerini, aynı zamanda çeşitli fırsatları yaratan bağlamsal faktörler olarak görüp, krizin yol açtığı istikrarsızlık ve belirsizlik ele alınmalıdır. Britanya gibi diplomatik ve ekonomik açıdan AB içindeki ağırlıklı olan bir ülkenin AB'den ayrılması, AB içerisinde birliği güçlendirebileceği gibi; aksi bir durumda domino etkisiyle bazı AB ülkelerinin AB'ye olan bağlılıklarını negatif anlamda etkileyebilir. Son olarak tez, Brexit ve diğer tüm sorunlar karşısında Avrupa birliğinin anahtar ülkesinin Almanya olacağını savunmaktadır. ; The aim of this thesis is to investigate the effects of the Brexit on the EU integration and to make this assessment in the context of UK-EU relations and global effects. In this thesis, a qualitative research method, Process Tracing, is applied and it is argued that Euroscepticism is the causal mechanism in the process that triggers and produces Brexit. Accordingly, Brexit was the result of the skeptical and unwilling attitude towards the European political integration project of the United Kingdom from the first negotiations with the European Economic Community. At the same time, considering the possible impact of Brexit on European integration; firstly, it draws attention to the importance of being aware of the large trajectory (centrifugal trajectory), which is influenced by Euroscepticism and leads to the fragmentation and weakening of the EU. Secondly, it emphasizes the importance of perceiving the potential that could lead to greater cooperation within the EU and to strengthen the European integration process (centripetal trajectory). Brexit is part of a wider area of uncertainty that determines the direction of the EU. Consistent EU crises should be viewed as contextual factors that create a variety of opportunities and the instability and uncertainty caused by the crisis should be addressed. The exit of a country such as Britain, which has by diplomatic and economic dominance within the EU, can strengthen the unity within the EU; or otherwise, it may negatively affect the commitment of some EU countries to the EU with domino Finally, the thesis argues that Germany will be the key country of the European Union in the face of Brexit and all other problems.
