Suchergebnisse

Given current levels of social fragmentation and legal polycentrism, which today is at stake is the principle of secularity of the state-form, but the very survival of its theoretical and practical, originally defined as universal and eternal but really as historically determined as the Western liberal paradigm that arose. The survival is challenged by the new constituent power of the corporate logic of the market aimed at playing monopoly (i.e. sovereign) of a type not only technical knowledge and science and business, but led to political and legal control of the area symbolic. ; Ante los actuales niveles de fragmentación social y de policentrismo jurídico, lo que hoy en día está en juego no es el principio de laicidad de la forma-Estado, sino la subsistencia misma de sus fundamentos teóricos y prácticos, originariamente definidos como universales y eternos, pero en realidad tan históricamente determinados como el paradigma liberal occidental del que se derivaron. Dicha subsistencia es puesta en entredicho por el nuevo poder constituyente de la lógica corporativa del mercado tendiente a la reproducción monopolística (es decir soberana) de un tipo de saber ya no solo técnico científico y empresarial, sino dirigido al control político-jurídico de la esfera simbólica.

The article provides a systematic assessment of the Italian political transition through the results of three national elections, from 1994 to 2001, covering a wide variety of topics. In particular, the residual polarization assumed by the previous literature is found theoretically flawed & empirically disproved. The more recent center-periphery cleavage has evaporated with the demise of the Northern League. Far from being "winning," the political extremes are stable or losing; parties of the center, in turn, are declining at a faster pace than in comparable democracies, & their numbers are, by 2001, among the smallest, whereas they were the strongest 10 years ago. As a consequence, the Italian case shows the whole set of standard conditions for bipolar, centripetal competitions, though two problems remain: fragmentation, which might be cured with the electoral reform, but is not the main, nor the most deviant feature, of the present system; & a deep destructuration crisis, whose indicators distinguish more sharply the Italian parties from their European counterparts, & whose effects might be felt for a long time & significantly depress the system performance of the main political actors. 13 Tables, 55 References. Adapted from the source document.

This collection of essays examines various aspects of regional development and the issues of internationalization. The first essay investigates the implications of the impressive growth of China from a rural-urban perspective and addresses the topic of convergence in China by employing a non-parametrical approach to study the distribution dynamics of per capita income at province, rural and urban levels. To better understand the degree of inequality characterizing China and the long-term predictions of convergence or divergence of its different territorial aggregations, the second essay formulates a composite indicator of Regional Development (RDI) to benchmark development at province and sub-province level. The RDI goes beyond the uni-dimensional concept of development, generally proxied by the GDP per capita, and gives attention to the rural-urban dimension. The third essay "Internationalization and Trade Specialization in Italy. The role of China in the international intra-firm trade of the Italian regions" - deals with another aspect of regional economic development: the progressive de-industrialisation and de-localization of the local production. This essay looks at the trade specialization of selected Italian regions (those regions specialized in manufacturing) and the fragmentation of the local production on a global scale. China represents in this context an important stakeholder and the paper documents the importance of this country in the regional intra-firm trade.

The creation of an efficient Common Market has been, & for many aspects still is, the main goal of European regulation. Until the Single European Act, European regulation was mainly implemented through judicial policies, but during the 1990s the development of regulatory reforms called the EU for moving to a new form of regulation: administrative regulation. Today, in fields of policy like monetary policy, competition policy, telecommunication policy, & energy policy, the EU is called to implement European rules in a permanent, focused, sustained, & homogeneous way. Transnational networks made of national independent regulatory agencies have been created in order to achieve an efficient & effective regulation. Agency theory gives theoretical support to the creation of transnational regulatory networks. Nevertheless, an empirical analysis of successes & failures proves that institutional design of the network (independence, communication, & coordination) is only one out of four factors that can determine efficiency & effectiveness of European administrative regulation. The other factors are: the level of political support of the policy, the quality of European rules, & the structure of the policy field (fragmentation rather than the presence of one dominant powerful actor). Thus, in order to evaluate the probability of success or failure of transnational regulatory networks agency theory must be integrated in substantial ways. 3 Tables, 38 References. Adapted from the source document.

The issue of urban sprawl is particularly evident in the Italian North-East and particularly in the Veneto. Within the general settlement sprawl, the spreading and fragmentation of the production system is the result of a distinctive mode of transformations induced by the economical processes. The production facilities sprawl is a process characterized by considerable temporal continuity that has maintained almost intact its antecedents and constituent functional processes with (seemingly simple), continuously adapt to the changing practices of the genius loci. The understanding of this phenomenon is a key element in planning policies. In fact, next to the well-known problems related to sprawl and common to most of the settlements, the case of diffusion of manufacturing activities has resulted settlement in severe conditions of unsustainability in relations to with specific issues such as the supply of raw materials, the accessibility in general, the provision of infrastructure services, the organization of production activities, the consumption of soil, etc. The Veneto Region has tried to solve the problems arising from this situation through specific legislative instruments and directing regional planning towards these issues. Indeed, the production facilities sprawl has already been dealt with regional laws 80/1980 and 24/1985 that face the problem from the point of view of diffusion in historical town centers and agricultural areas, even before the approval of the Regional Planning Law (Regional law 61/1985). From a planning perspective, Veneto Region with the Law 11/1987 wrote off all the production facilities outside production settlements, however endorsing the diffusion and fragmentation of the production areas. The problem of non-proliferation of sprawl have therefore remained as a key issue in regional coordination plans. These paper wants to further illustrate the proposed methodological approach and the principal results of the working group of the Department of Architecture, Planning and Surveying - University of Padua, in the processing steps of the new Regional Territorial Coordination Plan of the Veneto Region. These reflections, which allowed us to evaluate intervention strategies focused on the recognition of the territory of settlement types specific to refer to.) ; Il tema della dispersione urbana e territoriale è particolarmente evidente nel Nord-Est italiano e nel Veneto in particolare.All'interno dello sprawl insediativo generale, quello della frammentazione del sistema produttivo, rappresenta una caratterizzazione ancor più evidente e stringente, di indubitabile valenza socio-culturale in quanto alla base della continua sedimentazione storico-insediativa e quindi elemento fortemente radicato. Una continuità storica del processo insediativo che nel tempo ha saputo mantenere quasi intatti i suoi prodromi costitutivi e funzionali, con processi (apparentemente semplici) di continuo adattamento alle diverse esigenze pratiche del tempo in divenire.Si vuole in questa sede illustrare l'approccio metodologico ed alcuni dei risultati ottenuti dal gruppo di lavoro del Dipartimento di Architettura, Urbanistica e Rilevamento – DAUR – Università di Padova, attualmente confluito nel Dipartimento di Ingegneria Civile, Edile ed Ambientale – DICEA all'interno della fasi di elaborazione del nuovo Piano Territoriale Regionale di Coordinamento - PTRC del Veneto.

The issue of urban sprawl is particularly evident in the Italian North-East and particularly in the Veneto. Within the general settlement sprawl, the spreading and fragmentation of the production system is the result of a distinctive mode of transformations induced by the economical processes. The production facilities sprawl is a process characterized by considerable temporal continuity that has maintained almost intact its antecedents and constituent functional processes with (seemingly simple), continuously adapt to the changing practices of the genius loci. The understanding of this phenomenon is a key element in planning policies. In fact, next to the well-known problems related to sprawl and common to most of the settlements, the case of diffusion of manufacturing activities has resulted settlement in severe conditions of unsustainability in relations to with specific issues such as the supply of raw materials, the accessibility in general, the provision of infrastructure services, the organization of production activities, the consumption of soil, etc. The Veneto Region has tried to solve the problems arising from this situation through specific legislative instruments and directing regional planning towards these issues. Indeed, the production facilities sprawl has already been dealt with regional laws 80/1980 and 24/1985 that face the problem from the point of view of diffusion in historical town centers and agricultural areas, even before the approval of the Regional Planning Law (Regional law 61/1985). From a planning perspective, Veneto Region with the Law 11/1987 wrote off all the production facilities outside production settlements, however endorsing the diffusion and fragmentation of the production areas. The problem of non-proliferation of sprawl have therefore remained as a key issue in regional coordination plans. These paper wants to further illustrate the proposed methodological approach and the principal results of the working group of the Department of Architecture, Planning and Surveying - University of Padua, in the processing steps of the new Regional Territorial Coordination Plan of the Veneto Region. These reflections, which allowed us to evaluate intervention strategies focused on the recognition of the territory of settlement types specific to refer to.) ; Il tema della dispersione urbana e territoriale è particolarmente evidente nel Nord-Est italiano e nel Veneto in particolare.All'interno dello sprawl insediativo generale, quello della frammentazione del sistema produttivo, rappresenta una caratterizzazione ancor più evidente e stringente, di indubitabile valenza socio-culturale in quanto alla base della continua sedimentazione storico-insediativa e quindi elemento fortemente radicato. Una continuità storica del processo insediativo che nel tempo ha saputo mantenere quasi intatti i suoi prodromi costitutivi e funzionali, con processi (apparentemente semplici) di continuo adattamento alle diverse esigenze pratiche del tempo in divenire.Si vuole in questa sede illustrare l'approccio metodologico ed alcuni dei risultati ottenuti dal gruppo di lavoro del Dipartimento di Architettura, Urbanistica e Rilevamento – DAUR – Università di Padova, attualmente confluito nel Dipartimento di Ingegneria Civile, Edile ed Ambientale – DICEA all'interno della fasi di elaborazione del nuovo Piano Territoriale Regionale di Coordinamento - PTRC del Veneto.

The preface aims at introducing some areas of comparison between Italy and Spain, by focusing on three thematic elements: the role of political parties in shaping the form of government; the legislative activity carried on by the executive as indicator and measure of political constitutional change; the fragmentation of traditional party system as a cause of government instability, and occasion for institutional innovation as well. The comparison leads to investigate the role of constitutional conventions in defining the form of government, so suggesting some methodological criteria for assessing their relevance. The final part, in line with the monographic issue, discusses the «open» future of democratic governments in Italy and Spain, suspended between constitutional rules and political dynamics. ; La prefazione introduce ad alcuni ambiti di comparazione tra Italia e Spagna, soffermandosi su tre nuclei tematici: il ruolo della variabile partitica nel plasmare la forma di governo; la normazione dell'esecutivo come spia e misura del cambiamento politico costituzionale; la frammentazione del sistema di partito tradizionale come causa della difficile stabilizzazione dell'indirizzo politico, e al contempo occasione di innovazione istituzionale. La comparazione porta a riflettere sul ruolo delle convenzioni costituzionali nel definire la forma di governo, suggerendone alcuni criteri metodologici per valutarne la rilevanza. La parte conclusiva si sofferma, in linea con le riflessioni del numero monografico, sulla sorte dei governi democratici in Italia e Spagna, sempre più «a fattispecie aperta» nella continua interazione tra assetto istituzionale e dinamiche politiche.

"The reflection of the harbour. The Tanger Port project: political promotion and urban fragmentation" Relying on several large-scale projects launched during the fifteen-year reign of King Mohammed VI, Morocco is addressing its unprecedented infrastructural development as a crucial tool to bolster its economic competitiveness, and to turn the country into an attractive platform for foreign investment. Contributing to enhance the northern region and its Mediterranean façade, the Tanger Port renewal should be framed within the context of the colossal container terminal of Tanger Med, in a scenario distinguished by the current political promotion of the monarchical discourse. As the Tanger Port project reaches completion, a number of critical issues have been raised regarding the application of this trend in urban waterfront regeneration. The generic architecture master-planned by Forster, Reichen and Rober, ends up isolating the old town, especially Medina, from the new linear luxury fragment on the coast. The misinterpretation of the cultural and potential values expressed by this unique spatial identity, increases the social and economic gap dividing this fragmented urban realm. Because infrastructure always acts on a symbolic level, the influence of Tanger Port on the city of Tangiers questions the role of innovation in these processes, and illuminates how these new forms of spatial production, driven by foreign capitals and delineated by megaprojects, respond to the renewal of urban structures.

Lebanon is often considered the unique country in the Arab world that witnessed some form of democracy. Confessional conflicts and the long civil war have revealed the instability of "Lebanese democracy" but, at the same time, its everlasting endurance that prevents authoritarianism. One of the most interesting interpretations of this phenomenon is Lijphart's model of consociational democracy focusing on the role of elites. The consociational model works in Lebanon since its independence (1943) to the outbreak of the civil war (1975) and with some important modifications, it has been re-established during the Lebanese Second Republic (from 1989 until today). The founding elements of those periods are the various national pacts (1943, 1898, 2008) that contributed to the development of a system based on the balance among confessions. The civil war had modified the basis of the 1943 National pact and those of the consociational model. However, in the post war period, Lebanon adopted a new formula that was, again, clearly inspired by consociativism. The new consociational model is less flexible both at the institutional (troika system) and the social levels and increased confessional divisions thus preventing the attainment of any compromise among communities, which could guarantee a political equilibrium. Paradoxically consociativism has been institutionalized and transformed in a sort of "communitarized constitutionalism", a system that perceives fragmentation both insuperable and fundamental. Adapted from the source document.

Malatesta Temple emerges from the works of Joséphin Péladan (1858-1915) and of Henry de Montherlant (1896-1972) as a mental place where the authors project their aesthetic ideal without quitting ideological over-determinations. The temple imagined and told, but never seen in reality, constitutes a kind of palimpsest prone to new writings and interpretations. In the image of Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta, who ordered its construction, it attracts Péladan and Montherlant exactly because they are both charmed by this character as a figure of excess and transgression against the mediocrity of their contemporaries. In their eyes Malatesta seems to summarize in himself the contrasts as well as the Temple contains, by harmonizing, the opposites: the sacred and the profane, paganism and Christianity, the human and the divine. Place of memory (Aleida Assmann 1999), it constitutes a cultural hybrid (Peter Burke 1989 and Edgar Wind 1958), emblem of that Renaissance artistic ideal by which both the French writers are inspired. But if Péladan's celebration of the Renaissance Art finds in the Temple an ideal where each part is in harmony with the whole, Montherlant's exaltation, instead, attains the aesthetics of fragmentation and of the incomplete by finding in the image of the Temple destroyed the most extreme ending, echo of those tragical bombardments which, between December 1943 and June 1944, hit the building. So this one rises to a polysemic object forming narrations which find in the knowledge combination (literature, philosophy, politics, history, art) its own essence. ; 1 ; open ; Non definito ; open ; Gardini, Michela ; Gardini, Michela

Nel XIII secolo entra in crisi l'istituzione dell'Impero: il potere politico di cui esso è depositario si frantuma in poteri limitati e particolari. In questo lavoro voglio mettere a confronto due percorsi di potere locale: da una parte la signoria della famiglia della Torre a Milano, una delle prime in Italia, punto di arrivo della lotta contro l'Impero per le libertà comunali; dall'altra i giudicati della Sardegna, istituzione derivante dalla disso- luzione dell'Impero Bizantino nell'isola. Di tutti e due esamino le modalità dell'acquisizione del potere, il contesto in cui hanno operato, il rapporto tra città e contado, la funzione del "popolo" nell'attribuzione del potere, la necessità di una legittimazione da parte dell'autorità imperiale. / ENGLISH: In the 13th century the Empire as political institution was in a state of crisis. The Holy Roman German Empire and the Byzantine Empire were reshaped by extensive fragmentation into regional districts with political autonomy, resulting in a more limited influence for both emperors. Here, I have compared two different paths toward local power, the "Seigniory" and the "Giudicati". The Seigniory of the family "della Torre" over Milan was one of the first in Italy and is a paradigm ofacquisition of political autonomy within the Holy Roman German Empire. Conversely, the "Giudicati" were local kingdoms that arose in Sardin ia from the decay of the Byzantine Empire. I discuss the ways by which these regional political institutions arose, their recognition by the emperor, the context in which they acted, the relations between city and peasantry, the role of the "people" in awarding the power.

Riassunto: Nel XIII secolo entra in crisi l'istituzione dell'Impero: il potere politico di cui esso è depositario si frantuma in poteri limitati e particolari. In questo lavoro voglio mettere a confronto due percorsi di potere locale: da una parte la signoria della famiglia della Torre a Milano, una delle prime in Italia, punto di arrivo della lotta contro l'Impero per le libertà comunali; dall'altra i giudicati della Sardegna, istituzione derivante dalla dissoluzione dell'Impero Bizantino nell'isola. Di tutti e due esamino le modalità dell'acquisizione del potere, il contesto in cui hanno operato, il rapporto tra città e contado, la funzione del "popolo" nell'attribuzione del potere, la necessità di una legittimazione da parte dell'autorità imperiale. Abstract: In the 13th century the Empire as political institution was in a state of crisis. The Holy Roman German Empire and the Byzantine Empire were reshaped by extensive fragmentation into regional districts with political autonomy, resulting in a more limited influence for both emperors. Here, I have compared two different paths toward local power, the "Seigniory" and the "Giudicati". The Seigniory of the family "della Torre" over Milan was one of the first in Italy and is a paradigm of acquisition of political autonomy within the Holy Roman German Empire. Conversely, the "Giudicati" were local kingdoms that arose in Sardinia from the decay of the Byzantine Empire. I discuss the ways by which these regional political institutions arose, their recognition by the emperor, the context in which they acted, the relations between city and peasantry, the role of the "people" in awarding the power

The globalization process of the last twenty years has changed the world through international flows of people, policies and practices. International cooperation to development is a part of that process and brought International Organizations (IOs) and Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs) from the West to the rest of the world. In my thesis I analyze the Italian NGOs that worked in Bosnia Herzegovina (BH) to understand which development projects they realized and how they faced the ethnic issue that characterized BH. I consider the relation shaped between Italian NGOs and Bosnian civil society as an object of ethnic interests. In BH, once part of former Yugoslavia, the transition from the communist regime to a democratic country has not been completed. BH's social conditions are characterized by strong ethnic divisions. The legacy of the early 1990s crisis was a phenomenon of ethnic identities created before the war and that still endure today. The Dayton Peace Agreement signed in 1995 granted the peace and reinforced the inter-ethnic hate between the newly recognized three principal ethnicities: Serbs, Croats and Bosniak. Through the new constitution, the institutions were characterized by division at every level, from the top to the bottom of society. Besides it was the first constitution ever written and signed outside the own country; that was the root of the state of exception that characterized BH. Thus ethnic identities culture survived through the international political involvement. At the same time ethnic groups that dominated the political debate clashed with the international organization's democratic purpose to build a multicultural and democratic state. Ethnic and also religious differences were the instruments for a national statement that might cause the transition and development projects failure. Fifteen years later social fragmentation was still present and it established an atmosphere of daily cultural violence. Civil society suffered this condition and attended to recreate the ethnic fragmentation in every day life. Some cities became physically divided and other cities don't tolerated the minority presence. In rural areas, the division was more explicit, from village to village, without integration. In my speech, the anthropology for development – the derivative study from applied anthropology – constitutes the point of view that I used to understand how ethnic identities still influenced the development process in BH. I done ethnographic research about the Italian cooperation for development projects that were working there in 2007. The target of research were the Italian NGOs that created a relation with Bosnian civil society; they were almost twenty divided in four main field of competences: institutional building, education, agriculture and democratization. I assumed that NGOs work needed a deep study because the bottom of society is the place where people could really change their representation and behavior. Italian NGOs operated in BH with the aim of creating sustainable development. They found cultural barricade that both institutions and civil society erected when development projects have been applied. Ethnic and religious differences were stressed to maintain boundaries and fragmented power. Thus NGOs tried to negotiate development projects by social integration. I found that NGOs worked among ethnic groups by pursuing a new integration. They often gained success among people; civil society was ready to accept development projects and overcome differences. On the other hand NGOs have been limited by political level that sustained the ethnic talk and by their representation of Bosnian issue. Thus development policies have been impeded by ethnic issue and by cooperation practices established on a top down perspective. Paradoxically, since international community has approved the political ethnic division within DPA, then the willing of development followed by funding NGOs cooperation projects was not completely successful.

Il concetto di regionalizzazione è frequentemente utilizzato negli studi storici per indicare fenomeni di frammentazione connessi alla fine dell'Impero romano come struttura politica, istituzionale, economica, sociale e culturale. Scopo di questo contributo è analizzare il processo tramite cui il sistema monetario tardoantico, basato nel IV secolo su un'unica comune 'area monetaria', si suddivise in diversi sistemi 'regionali', chiaramente identificabili alla fine del VI e nel VII secolo. Viene qui presa in considerazione la valuta aurea, sia perché essa circolò nella tarda antichità sulla base di un sistema autonomo da quello del divisionale, sia perché l'alto potere d'acquisto e il grande valore simbolico dell'oro hanno fatto di questo metallo l'oggetto di grande attenzione tanto presso gli autori antichi (come Procopio) quanto presso gli storici moderni (come Henri Pirenne). ; The concept of 'regionalization' appears frequently in historical studies to describe the different forms of 'fragmentation' which are connected with the progressive disappearance of the political, institutional, economic, social and cultural structures which had characterized the Late Roman Empire. Theme of this article is an analysis of the process through which the Late Antique monetary system, based in the 4th century CE on a common 'monetary area' extended to the entire Empire, split in different 'regional systems', clearly recognizable since the end of the 6th and the 7th century CE. Only gold currency is here taken into consideration, both because it circulated on a parallel and independent circuit, and because the high economic and symbolic value of this metal attracted towards it a great deal of attention, both from ancient authors (such as Procopius) and from modern historians (such as Henri Pirenne).

The thesis has been an historical reading of Taiwan industralization and of the formation of its labour movement. The research question was based on the evidence that the labour movement has been weak. The intention of the research was to understand why, by focusing the attention on the fragmentation of labour produced by the Taiwanese export oriented mode of industrialization. Taiwan's capitalist industrialization can be examined through an historical approach of state–society relations under the Gramsci model of historical analysis expressed on Notebook 25 "On the Margins of History, History of the Subaltern Groups". Gramsci assumed that labour history is a disaggregated function of civil society's history and of its relation with the state. To interpret the history of Taiwan labour through this kind of approach, it is necessary, according to the model, to understand the pre-capitalist mentality and social dynamics characterised by the so called guanxi (informal social networks), a typical aspects of Confucian societies. Industrialization installed on the top of this pre-existing social base that became the foundation of Taiwanese labour-state-capital relations. Guanxi in Taiwanese capitalist industrial society create such a strong hegemonic alliance between state and capital that constrained labour in a cage, preventing any autonomous initiative and reaction of workers. Thus, the movement was born as a tool of party politics and was directed by both the ruling party (KMT) and the opposition party (DPP). As a conclusion, labour movement in Taiwan rather than being a workers' way of affirming their interests, it has been a strategy of capital to affirm its hegemony.