Suchergebnisse

Vieles spricht dafür, dass die Leistungsfähigkeit der Politik im Weltmaßstab durch die technologische Entwicklung und die Globalisierung zunehmend prekär geworden ist. Symptome der Überlastung zeigen sich in vielen Bereichen. (APuZ)

Der Übergang von der Diktatur zur Demokratie verlief doch nicht so mustergültig wie es Anfang der Neunziger schien. Heute ist Ungarn tief gespalten, und der machtbesessene Ministerpräsident bemüht die ganz großen Kategorien : Gut und Böse, Licht und Dunkel, Sieg oder Untergang. Nationalismus und Ungarozentrismus sind bereits Staatsideologie. (IP)

"Am 7. Juni 2011 organisierte das Österreichische Institut für Internationale Politik in Zusammenarbeit mit IDEAZ, dem Außenministerium und der Anna-Lindh Stiftung eine Konferenz mit dem Titel: "Egypt in Transition – Ready for Democracy". Es diskutierten ExpertInnen, ForscherInnen, PolitikerInnen und AktivistInnen aus Ägypten und dem Ausland über die Veränderungsprozesse und versuchten gemeinsam Ausblicke auf zukünftige Entwicklungen zu wagen. Wer sind die wichtigsten Akteure? Was ist für eine demokratische Transition notwendig und welche Rolle wird der Islam in Zukunft spielen? – so lauteten die grundlegenden Fragen. Die folgende Analyse beruht auf den wichtigsten Erkenntnissen, die aus der Konferenz gewonnen wurden. Das Nahost Forschungsprogramm des oiip verfolgt die aktuellen Entwicklungen in Ägypten und der Region weiter und bietet dazu laufend Analysen an." (Autorenreferat)

The importance of determining the systemic determinants of cultural genesis of performing art in the context of the ecosystem approach to the interpretation of musical art is emphasized.
The purpose of the article is to determine the system-making directions of the transformation of performing activity in music, in particular, in Kyiv vocal school as a phenomenon of sociocultural explanations of the leading determinants of musical synthesis — anthropological, semiological and visual turns.
The methodology is determined by comparative and systemic approaches, which make it possible to conduct a comparative analysis of musical systems of performing arts; phenomenological and dialectical methods that help to determine the figurative transformations of musical culture as the integrity of performing strategies — skills, abilities, creativity.
The scientific novelty. The theory of systemogenesis and the ecosystem approach to the analysis of large sociocultural systems of reflection provide an opportunity to understand the musical space as a unity of systemogenesis and culturegenesis. Mimetic, logistic and reflexive approaches to the formation of a musician's performance skill are characterized using the example of vocal and instrumental components of a modern art work. Modern performance skills are technological and specified within the framework of anthropic, media-textual and visual patterns that make an impact on performance. The dichotomy of performance as a division into verbal and instrumental is to a certain extent overcome when all the latest theses, which include information transformation mechanisms on the screen, give a synthetic image. All this, in one way or another, determines the latest genre configurations that often change the trajectory of the development of the systemogenesis of music. Performance in art could not develop without those experiments when vocals enter the symphony, in particular, by A. Schoenberg in "Moon Piero" and others. It could not have developed without those broad creative intentions, which appeared with development of music.
The results. More creative, broader and more global systems are emerging that apply the achievements of the virtual, iconic, visual turn, include screen communications, the modern theater scene, which is becoming more radicalized, different than it was before. The ecological instruction as an appeal to metaphysical origins to a certain extent emphasizes the diversity of systemogenesis in performing culture. On the one hand, it is a metaphysical way of shifting all boundaries, on the other hand, it is a local fragmentation and an appeal to the origins of one's own performing experience in art. All syntheses, which are carried out on the basis of a musical element, musical text, metatext of musical discourse, require adequate performance skills, abilities and creativity. The more different types of arts are involved here, the more they are needed in order to show a musical image integrally and perfectly, to convey an idea. An idea is already a matter of taste, direction, arrangement and a problem of the interaction of various actors of the complex modern process of medialization, dialogue of cultures, artistic tools of various types of arts and performer. After all, the dialogism of performing technologies in music is transformed into a certain miracle. A miracle and a complete artistic image emerge. The image of the completed XX century, which is already understood as a work of art.
The practical significance. The practical significance of the study lies in the fact that the categorical apparatus of the ecosystem approach is introduced into the cycle of musicological and cultural reflection, which makes it possible to expand the horizon of the sociocultural functioning of a musical work to its understanding of a certain ecosystem, focused on preserving the cultural and historical potential of musical performance.

AbstractDuring the past 30 years, research on policy analytical capacity's multidimensional nature and the evolution of policy advisory systems (PASs) has both increased knowledge of these processes and structures and opened new avenues of inquiry. While it is clear that changes in PASs in many countries have occurred ‐ featuring processes such as the increased externalisation and politicisation of policy advice ‐ studies of changes among the roles played by core policy professionals in advice provision have lagged. One aspect of this question concerns the nature and extent of changes in this 'forgotten fundamental' of advice systems related to how these professionals are arrayed within 'policy shops'—that is organisational units identified in the 1960s and 1970s as the main organisational home of policy professionals in government. Whether or not such shops have changed from the central‐integrated model identified in early studies and, if so, how, remain outstanding and foundational questions. Recent research in Canada has mapped the distribution of policy professionals at the central and provincial level and found more types of analysts and venues than in earlier eras— which range from the 'classical' integrated policy shops of the 1960s and 1970s which remain in central agencies and single‐purpose line departments to the much more 'distributed' patterns found in many departments dealing with multiple or complex controversial issues. Using Canadian data, this study outlines the development of these organisational types and their distribution in government and discusses the implications of these changes for better understanding the work, and needs, of core professionals in policy advice systems. .Points for practitioners
'Policy professionals' or public employees specifically tasked with policy analysis in government are key players in policy advisory systems despite the addition of more external and internal actors in policy advice systems in recent years.

How these advisors and analysts are organised in government, whether they work in clusters or small groups, and how they interact with other civil servants and policy‐makers are a key determinant of their activities and influence in policy‐making.

In the policy sciences, work in the 1960s and 1970s established 'the policy shop', that is relatively small centrally located organisational units employing mainly policy analysts, as the main home of policy professionals in government. These units often enjoyed a monopoly in analysis and played a key role in policy‐making. However, research on these organisations has not kept up with changes in advisory relations within and outside of governments and the impact such changes have had on the influence and activities of core professionals.

Recent work by the authors looking at the large Canadian province of Ontario has identified more than a single type of arrangement of analysts in the current era. This paper expands this analysis to both small and large jurisdictions in Canada, including the federal government, and develops two detailed case studies of the current organisation of policy professionals in smaller central agencies like Ministries of Justice as well as in larger omnibus Ministries of the Environment.

The study finds a 'distributed' model of policy shops—in which multiple policy units exist throughout the agency—to be dominant in both cases and in all the governments examined and suggests this is now the new normal, replacing the dominance of the older more integrated central shop model. The predominance of the distributed model contributes to the fragmentation of policy advice already underway in government due to the growth in the number of external advisors such as consultants and think tanks, and internal ones such as political staffers.

What happens if among the members of a society and among the smaller and larger units and groups making up the society trust and confidence seems to be disappearing at once? What happens if confidence reposed into each other fall victim to social differences as well as to the economic / cost-of-living boxing of modern information society? How to stop the crisis symptom that seems to be developing this way and which is shown in the fragmentation of communities?1 With other words, is it possible to "stick again together" a community or even a whole society started to disintegrate? The questions, even if not so characteristically phrased, provide sociologists actually with the scope of understanding our modern, individualistic world (Habermas 1994). Gusfield (1975) depicts dichotomy of community and society in a way that we should interpret community as a pervading, significant contrast. By now literature seems as if it was only be able to picture the changes taking place in the images both of the society and community describing them by even more pronounced, contradictory processes. The changes that send messages on the disintegration of categories and frames becoming insecure instead of the security and integration quasi missed by Habermas. It also seems as if—quasi as an answer given to this process—occlusion/seclusion both on the part of community members and the various communities from the seemingly unknown and insecure changes were more intensive (Légmán 2012). We intend to construe these phenomena on the next pages, but due to extension limits without the need for completeness of social interpretations. We want to do it with the help of mainly one dimension: value preference through the example of a given society, namely the Hungarian one. Thus we get to the stability and the solidarity of the members of the smallest unit of society, one which accepts and expresses various value preferences, the family.
From time immemorial, one of the crucial questions of mankind has been what the future has in store for us. The future, however, has remained unfathomable up to this day, and even future studies promises only as much as prognosticating what is likely to continue and what will plausibly change in the world. Thus, no wonder, that already the first "real" economists of the 18th century (Adam Smith et al.) considered the creation of the future model of labor economy as a challenge. At the present era of modern labor market, this task is closely connected with the future status of labor market since in a consumer society income acquired by work forms the basis of satisfying needs (Ehrenberg – Smith 2003, Galasi 1994).
We are not saying anything new by stating the fact that the demand for labor force is determined by new places of work and that an ideal supply of labor force must be adaptable to the requirements of demand. To meet requirements and to be adaptable is possible only if we are armed with the necessary competencies and capital (Hodges – Burchell 2003, Bourdieu 1998). The question, to what extent students in higher education are prepared for changes in the demand for labor force, arises at this point. What can young people expect on the labor market in this ever changing world? What kind of job opportunities and work conditions are there for them, and how much are they prepared to face these changes?

Notwithstanding the enduring nature of certain contemporary conflicts, the past decades have seen major changes in both the dynamics and understanding of conflicts. In particular, the increasing prominence of non-state actors has given rise to challenges in managing and responding to conflict, and the limited capacity of the international community to hold non-state actors accountable for their abuse of civilians continued to pose a grave threat to human security in 2005. The Israeli-Palestinian and Kashmiri conflicts illustrate how shifting perceptions of conflict -- from decolonization and superpower dominance to the current preoccupation with international terrorism -- have influenced international attitudes and engagement with these conflicts. Despite continuity in the insurgent groups' ultimate objectives, the two cases also illustrate a changing trajectory of conflict owing to the particularities of contemporary non-state actor activity. While the Palestinian Authority continued to have problems in reining in militant elements, Hamas' ascent to power through municipal and later parliamentary elections in Palestine cast the international community's method of engaging with the conflict in a new light. In Kashmir interstate relations between India and Pakistan told only part of the story in 2005; the emergence of new armed groups in the region and the purported links between Kashmiri extremist groups and international networks were testimony to the fluidity of the insurgency. The frequent irregularity of non-state groups and fragmentation of violence were recurring themes in conflicts in 2005. Efforts to instigate a comprehensive peace process in Darfur, Sudan, during the year were compromised by factionalism and inter-group hostility on the part of the Darfurian rebels and the corresponding failure to identify adequate representation from the rebel side. The irregular violence in the region has continued to plague the peace process, despite the signing of a peace agreement in May 2006. The fact that the opposition is from non-state actors may allow governments to deny the existence of 'conflict' (conventionally understood as physical confrontation between two parties with a clear political incompatibility). In this way the Russian Government continued to emphasize criminal and 'terrorist' elements in its hard-line policy towards Chechnya and the surrounding republics in 2005. Continued unrest in the Democratic Republic of the Congo challenged conventional assumptions about distinct phases of 'conflict' or 'post-conflict' given the frequent continuation of non-state violence despite the existence of formal 'peace'. Sustained militia violence and the faltering reintegration of former combatants created a volatile mix and continued to hamper effective peace-building in the region. In Iraq violence continued virtually unabated during 2005. Landmark events included the installing of a transitional government and the adoption of a new constitution, paving the way for the general elections that were held in December 2005. However, formal political development could not stave off the formation of sectarian divides in the country. Persistent wrangling over the nature of political representation, combined with the extreme levels of violence, frustrated any real movement towards peace. The US-led Multinational Force was confronted with a paradoxical situation because its presence in the country continued to provide a key recruiting incentive for the insurgency, while the prospect of departure amid highly insecure conditions was widely regarded as an abdication of responsibility. Dealing with the activity of non-state actors was at the heart of the challenges faced in Iraq. The failure to understand either the motivations of belligerents or the composition of the insurgency, let alone identify reliable entry points for political dialogue, continued to cast a shadow over Iraq at the end of 2005. Adapted from the source document.

Although the national trade union movements in Europe face very similar challenges, considerable differences can be observed in their responses to these challenges and in the results achieved (Crouch/Traxler 1995). During the 1980s the Austrian trade unions' record in this respect was relatively good. In particular, they achieved positive developments in real wages and employment. Between 1979 and 1989 real pay in Austria rose by more than 1.1% a year, a rate higher than in most other OECD countries (Guger 1991); the rate of unemployment, meanwhile, was comparatively low (annual average of 3%). An important factor in these successes has been the formal corporatist arrangement which gives the trade unions a consultative role in all economic and social policy fields. It is an arrangement dependent on two fundamental features, namely, the specific organisational structure of the participating organisations and a political culture peculiar to Austria (Traxler 1992). In organisational terms, the principle of the single trade union confederation is strictly adhered to. All the 14 existing trade unions in Austria (four public service unions, nine private sector manual workers' unions and one trade union for private sector white-collar workers - the GPA) belong to the Austrian Trade Union Confederation (ÖGB). Even though the principle of industrial unionism is not fully established, this organisational structure does provide the high degree of centralisation and concentration required by corporatism.. The political culture peculiar to Austria has been an important factor in establishing the legitimacy of social partnership and of the policy pursued by the trade unions. Until the early 1980s Austria was divided into two political "camps": social democracy on the one hand and the Christian-conservative camp on the other. Though the ÖGB,has been, formally speaking, situated "above" all political parties, it managed to internalise the situation of political cleavage by the informal creation of political factions. In this way it was able to enlist in both camps ideologically grounded support for and solidarity with the technocratic policy which it pursued at several removes from its members' immediate interests. That this recipe for success ran up against limits is clear from trends in membership figures. During the eighties the ÖCB suffered an above-average drop in membership (compared with other countries); union density fell from 56.2% to 46.2% (OECD 1994). One important cause of this development is the erosion of the political camps. As a result of the structural changes which are affecting the whole nature and experience of work, collective aspirations are gradually being replaced by individualistic trends, thus making it increasingly difficult for the trade unions to maintain their legitimacy. At political level evidence of such trends is provided by the number of floating voters and the growing fragmentation and competition within the party system, making corporatist cooperation between the large organisations and the political parties (i.e. those currently in government) increasingly difficult. Another factor which has further helped to weaken corporatism is that, with the internationalisation of the economy, price policy, a traditional tool of policy implementation, has become obsolete. The effects of EU accession (in particular the need to meet the fiscal policy convergence criteria laid down at Maastricht), and the opening up of eastern Europe with its reservoir of cheap labour, are placing an increasing strain on corporatism in general and on the trade unions in particular. This article sets out to consider the most important areas of problem which together constitute this challenge. In relation to each area, we examine the nature of the trade unions' responses, assessing the extent to which they have altered their policies and their structures to adapt to the changing circumstances.

Mangelnde Nachrichtenkompetenz, starke Emotionalisierung, Datenleere: Digitale Erzählungen schreiben sich selber fort. Was kluges Navigieren dagegen tun kann. (IP)