Suchergebnisse

the body of literature on institutional fragmentation and interlinkages has become quite extensive over the last 10-15 years, especially in global environmental governance research. This common ground and the merits of existing scholarly approaches notwithstanding, there are still major new conceptual, theoretical and empirical grounds to be explored. Conceptually, the literature could further go beyond additive accounts that are underspecified with regard to the quality of relations among various components of an institutional complex. Instead, more multi-criteria sets should be developed to assess and compare different degrees of fragmentation across environmental issue areas. Moreover, new methodical ground can be broken following the pioneering examples of different network approaches and mappings (Hollway 2013; Kim and Mackey 2013; Widerberg 2014). Similarly, more can be done to root the study of institutional fragmentation and interlinkages theoretically (Chambers et al. 2008, p. 7; cf. O. Young 2008, p. 134). What Underdal (2006, p. 9) observed nearly ten years ago for research on interlinkages also goes for fragmentation research today: the focus of explanatory approaches has been so far 'primarily on interaction at the level of specific regimes and less on links to the kind of basic ordering principles or norms highlighted in realist and sociological analyses of institutions.' Indeed, some the most influential approaches in the literature on institutional complexity suffice with basic ideas about causal pathways while falling short of more fundamental theoretical approaches that relate to concepts of power, interests, knowledge, norms or other scope conditions (e.g. Keohane and Victor 2011). Moreover, many studies still attend to the normative question whether a centralized or a polycentric global governance architecture is preferable (Biermann et al. 2009a; Ostrom 2010; Rayner 2010; Keohane and Victor 2011). This entangling of analytical and normative claims may have partly stood in the way of the development of more fundamental theoretical frameworks. To be clear: I do not mean to build a strawman argument here. As shown, various authors have begun to address this research gap more systematically, notably Oberthür and Stokke (2011), Gehring and Faude (2013), Zürn and Faude (2013) Orsini et al. (2013) and Van de Graaf (2013) – based inter alia on neoliberal institutionalism, sociological differentiation theory or functionalist approaches. As Zelli and van Asselt (2013) argue in the introductory article to a special issue on the institutional fragmentation of global environmental governance, causal explanations would not need to re-invent the wheel but could in part be derived from different strands of institutionalism and cooperation theory. This 'institutionalism revisited' could develop and examine assumptions that link the degree of fragmentation in a given issue area of environmental governance to, for instance: the constellation of power, drawing on neo-realist perspectives (cf. Benvenisti and Downs 2007); situation structures and constellations of interests, based on NEOLIBERAL INSTITUTIONALISM (cf. Rittberger and Zürn 1990; Van de Graaf 2013); major qualities of the issue area (e.g. the global or local nature of a good; the level of scientific certainty) and the question of institutional fit (O. Young 2002); conflicts among core norms or the contestation of discourses (Zelli et al. 2013; see also LIBERAL ENVIRONMENTALISM).Finally, a whole set of empirical themes merits attention of future single case studies or comparative analyses across environmental domains, for example:- the interactions between TRANSNATIONAL INSTITUTIONS and public institutions (Abbott 2014); - the consequences of fragmentation for different types of non-state actors, including further in-depth studies about the legitimacy, accountability and inclusiveness of complex governance architectures (Karlsson-Vinkhuyzen and McGee 2013; Orsini 2013); - the impact of fragmentation on the overall EFFECTIVENESS of a global governance architecture, by both QUALITATIVE COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS and QUANTITATIVE COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS, e.g. by adopting counter-factual approaches to an entire institutional complex (cf. Hovi et al. 2003; Stokke 2012); - the suitability and effectiveness of specific management attempts like ORCHESTRATION (Abbott and Snidal 2010);- the stability or fragility of institutional complexes, including the question whether they move towards a (new) division of labour (Gehring and Faude 2013) or rather towards new types of positional differences and conflicts (Zelli 2011).

Is the end of the nation-state approaching, now that the international economy takes less and less notice of borders between countries and the European Union has already acquired so much political power? What does national autonomy mean when governments delegate any number of powers to international organizations? Internationalization leads to political change, and the position of the nation-state appears to be undergoing a radical process of erosion. The surprising conclusion of this book is that the political significance of the state will not be lost. The analyses show that both expansion and fragmentation of political power are characteristics of fundamental political change. While it is true that the state is delegating authority and that internationalization is limiting autonomy, the state is also finding new forms of cooperation and coordination, both nationally and internationally, to preserve and even to strengthen its power and autonomy. Contrary to widely held assumptions, the idea of a progressive weakening of the nationstate does not prove tenable.

This introduction to volume 7 of Inter Faculty traces the reasoning and objectives for taking the theme of Fragmentation and Divergence as the focus of discussion. It takes a close look at the discussions proper and their outcome. In considering the issues taken up here, the introduction underscores the complexity of the systems that make up the present globalised world (economical, political, social, cultural) and questions the role of research in human and social sciences, highlighting the importance of articulating the phenomena of mankind and his existence and those of nature.

This paper measures and compares fragmentation in aid sectors. Past studies focused on aggregate country data but a sector analysis provides a better picture of fragmentation. We start by counting the number of aid projects in the developing world and find that, in 2007, more than 90 000 projects were running simultaneously. Project proliferation is on a steep upward trend and will certainly be reinforced by the emergence of new donors. Developing countries with the largest numbers of aid projects have more than 2 000 in a single year. In parallel to this boom of aid projects, there has been a major shift towards social sectors and, as a consequence, these are the most fragmented. We quantify fragmentation in each aid sector for donors and recipients and identify which exhibit the highest fragmentation. While fragmentation is usually seen as an issue when it is excessive, we also show that some countries suffer from too little fragmentation. An original contribution of this paper is to develop a monopoly index that identifies countries where a donor enjoys monopoly power. Finally, we characterise countries with high fragmentation levels. Countries that are poor, democratic and have a large population get more fragmented aid. However, this is only because poor and democratic countries attract more donors. Once we control for the number of donors in a country-sector, democratic countries do not appear different from non-democratic ones in any sector and poor countries actually have a slightly less fragmented aid allocation.

In this paper we propose a new party-system fragmentation measure as equivalent number of parties that fully takes into account the pivotal power of parties. The novel approach we adopt in the method of construction for an index of fragmentation allows us to take advantage of the theory of generalized means. We first construct the (class of) quasi-arithmetic mean(s) with Banzhaf power weight function for the party sizes and then, given the average size, we derive an equivalent-number of parties.

In this paper we propose a new party-system fragmentation measure as equivalent number of parties that fully takes into account the pivotal power of parties. The novel approach we adopt in the method of construction for an index of fragmentation allows us to take advantage of the theory of generalized means. We first construct the (class of) quasi-arithmetic mean(s) with Banzhaf power weight function for the party sizes and then, given the average size, we derive an equivalent-number of parties.

The purpose of this article is to provide an economic analysis of the relationship between economic integration and political fragmentation. This follows previous contributions from Alesina et al (2000), Casella (2001, Casella and Feinstein (2002), or Leite-Monteiro and Sato (2003). We go a step further than these authors by assuming that economic integration and political fragmentation are both decided by a majority vote. As them, we observe that economic integration involves political fragmentation. But, we establish also that economic integration might be sometimes deterred by the majority to prevent political fragmentation from happening.

The purpose of this article is to provide an economic analysis of the relationship between economic integration and political fragmentation. This follows previous contributions from Alesina et al (2000), Casella (2001, Casella and Feinstein (2002), or Leite-Monteiro and Sato (2003). We go a step further than these authors by assuming that economic integration and political fragmentation are both decided by a majority vote. As them, we observe that economic integration involves political fragmentation. But, we establish also that economic integration might be sometimes deterred by the majority to prevent political fragmentation from happening.

The scholarly debate over the rival merits of local government consolidation and fragmentation is an old but enduring one. However, in this debate very little attention has been focused on the political dimension of council amalgamation and fragmentation – yet political considerations play a central role in both the formulation and outcomes of de-concentration policy. The purpose of this article is to fill a gap in the literature by examining local government fragmentation in Ghana from 1988 to 2014. The article does this by identifying the key players and analysing their interests and gains, as well as the tensions arising from the fragmentation exercise. The implications from the Ghanaian case for more general theories of fragmentation are drawn out.

Airspace fragmentation represents an issue that began to be more frequently mentioned within the Air Traffic Management (ATM) domain in the last two decades. Primarily, it is frequently listed as one of the main causes contributing to inefficiency of the ATM system in Europe. However, even though the issue of the European airspace fragmentation has been recognized back in the 1990s, over the past decades it has neither been frequently studied nor comprehensively addressed. Accordingly, minor progress has been made to describe this issue in more depth. Therefore, this research paper deals with the research of performance-based airspace fragmentation (one of several European airspace fragmentation types). It presents the conceptual and methodological framework of a novel model that can be used to obtain answers to hypothetical questions of where, when, how, and whether it is possible to achieve performance-based airspace defragmentation. Accordingly, it is expected that further studies of the developed model will deliver relevant information that may contribute to a more inclusive, smart, and spatially oriented development of the ATM system in Europe.

[EN] In the event of a hypothetical core disruptive accident in nuclear power plants, the molten core may flow out the reactor vessel and interact with the cold water. The evolution of the accident is strongly affected by the fragmentation of the jet of molten metallic fuel due to its interaction with the water (i.e. this situation is known as fuel coolant interaction, FCI). In order to evaluate and predict the various consequences of a FCI, many researches are conducted with either corium or high melting temperature molten metal, where premixing stage evolves with an important production of steam. This steam production that is unavoidable because the high temperature of corium leads to difficulties for using optical diagnostics. Hence, in our case, we use a eutectic alloy (Field's metal) with a low melting point (62°C) in order to be able to visualize correctly the droplet fragmentation processes. The present work focuses on the fragmentation of a single Field's metal liquid droplet with mass equals to 0.27g (±0.01g). The liquid droplet interacts with a water pool whose temperature range between 20°C to 60°C. According to its Weber number, it fragments in different ways. For each experiment, a single droplet has been visualized using a high-speed camera (at 8000 fps). All measurements (drop size, velocity, impact parameter and geometrical properties of the drops after the penetration) into the pool are evaluated using an open source image processing. Solidified fragments can then be sieved and the size PDF determined. Focus of the present work is put on the evolution of the Sauter Mean Diameter with increasing Weber number and varying bath pool temperature. It is shown that using a simple crust model during solidification and defining an effective Weber number which include the crust elasticity all the curves collapse on the same master curve for all the water bath temperature considered. ; This work has been funded by French Government through "programme d'investissements d'avenir" AnR RSNR ICE under the grant ...

Why do united rebel fronts emerge in some civil wars, while in other civil wars multiple rebel groups mobilize independently to challenge the state, and often, each other? Scholars have confirmed that, compared with conflicts between a government and a single rebel group, fragmented rebellions last longer, are much more violent, and are more likely to recur after a settlement has been reached. Given the deadly nature of rebel fragmentation, it is critical that we understand it.Following recent advances in scholarship on violent mobilization processes by, inter alia, Parkinson (2013), Sarbahi (2014), and Cederman, et al. (2013), I have built a diffusion model of rebel fragmentation in which participation in rebellion spreads, completely or incompletely, through networks of civilians and dissidents. Using this theoretical framework I hypothesize that two factors jointly determine whether a rebel movement remains unified or fragments. Rising civilian grievances mobilize heterogeneous dissident networks, tearing rebel movements apart, while cross-cutting broad social networks can bind rebel movements back together by gathering distinct rebel groups under umbrellas. In short, rebel fragmentation reflects the rebellion's civilian constituency.My dissertation employs a mixed-methods research design. I first support my theoretical arguments with large-n statistical analysis of rebel fragmentation in 186 internal conflicts from 1946 to 2005. I trace causal mechanisms with an analysis of an original network dataset covering the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) and three splinter groups, gathered through interview and archival research during nine months of fieldwork in Nicaragua. I also illustrate the argument's application to two cases in Syria, by comparing data gathered from local and international media on early rebel mobilization in the current, radically fragmented Syrian civil war with recently declassified insider accounts of the largely unified 1979 – 1982 Muslim Brotherhood uprising.

Using industry data from Eurostat and applying the Rajan-Zingales methodology, we investigate the real growth effects of banking sector integration in the European Union. Our sample stretches from 2000 until 2012 and includes the phase of rapid financial integration before the crisis as well as the following phase of financial fragmentation and bank deleveraging. We find evidence that banking sector integration had a more than four times stronger growth effect during the crisis than in normal times. Growth effects are also stronger in times of domestic bank deleveraging. We conclude that concerns of European policy makers about fragmentation in the European banking sector are justified and that future reintegration is an important building block of future growth perspectives in the European Union.

What are the consequences of making cyberspace increasingly reliant on satellites and other types of space infrastructure? And what is the meaning and significance of an interplanetary cyberspace? The chapter addresses these developments specifically concerning infrastructure, militarization, and privatization. The consequences observed are summed up as fragmentation, vulnerability, and uncertainty. Cyberspace in space implies fragmentation in terms of stakeholders and governance, and ultimately in terms of power and accountability. Vulnerability increases as cyberspace becomes satellite-based (space is certainly not a safe environment, and satellites can be attacked by anti-satellite weapons as well as new forms of hacking and denial of service. Uncertainty of is tremendous particularly both in terms of what norms and principles will apply (compare the debate on Internet freedom vs. Internet sovereignty), and whether militarization or civilian and even utopian ideas will prevail.

One line of research finds the size of the deficit to be positively correlated with the number of political actors. This 'political fragmentation' hypothesis has been tested on OECD countries. We successfully replicate Volkerink and de Haan's (Public Choice 109:221–242, 2001) model on an OECD sample. However, when we add ten non-OECD countries, the effect of political fragmentation disappears. We argue that the importance of political fragmentation varies according to the institutionalization of political systems. When we interact the age of a democracy with political fragmentation, we find that legislative fractionalisation increases the budget deficit as a democracy becomes more institutionalised.