Družinska mediacija se je v Sloveniji na okrožnih in ostalih sodiščih začela intenzivno uveljavljati z letom 2010, in sicer po sprejemu Zakona o alternativnem reševanju sodnih sporov leto prej. Zakon v 4. členu namreč določa obveznost prvostopenjskim sodiščem (okrajnim, okrožnim in delovnim) ter višjim sodiščem in Višjemu delovnemu in socialnemu sodišču, da sprejmejo in uveljavijo programe alternativnega reševanja sporov, v okviru katerih je obvezno potrebno zagotoviti mediacijo kot obliko ARS. Družinska mediacija kot podvrsta mediacije je proces, v katerem nepristranska tretja oseba pomaga udeležencem, ki so se znašli v situaciji razpada družine, še posebej parom ob ločitvi ali razvezi, da se bolje sporazumevajo med seboj ter se sporazumno in zavestno odločijo o nekaterih ali vseh zadevah glede ločitve, razveze, otrok, financ ali lastnine ter tako pripomorejo k izboljšanju komunikacije med strankama. Magistrsko delo na kratko predstavi pojem alternativnega reševanja sporov ter podlago za izvajanje programov alternativnega reševanja sporov, natančneje pa se osredotoči na sam pojem družinske mediacije, na njene podlage za izvajanje v Sloveniji ter njena temeljna načela, posebnosti in prednosti. Del magistrskega dela so tudi predstavljeni statistični podatki posameznih okrožnih sodišč od začetka izvajanja družinske mediacije posameznega okrožnega sodišča do leta 2017 glede števila zadev, ki se rešujejo z družinsko mediacijo, ter sama uspešnost družinske mediacije. Ta se osredotoča na pojem uspešnosti družinske mediacije ter možnemu trendu naraščanja uspešnosti zaradi vedno večje urejenosti družinske mediacije na zakonodajnem področju. ; Family mediation has been intensely enforced in district courts since 2010 due to adoption of the Law of alternative dispute resolution in litigation one year prior. The law regulates that all first instance courts (district and labour courts), higher courts and The higher labour and social court must accept and enforce alternative dispute resolution programs in which mediation is an important method they must provide within those programs. Family mediation is a process in which the third, neutral person helps the participants, who are a part of a family breakup, especially couples throughout divorce, to communicate better with each other and that the participants agreeably and conciously make decisions about some or all matters referring their divorce, finances, children or property during their dispute. This third neutral person helps the participants improve their communication with each other. Master's thesis represents alternative dispute resolution program and the legislative basis for implementation of ADR programs. It focuses more precisely on the concept of family mediation, its legislative basis for implementation in Slovenia, fundamental principles of family mediation, special features and advantages of family mediation. An important part of master's thesis are statistics of district courts on family mediation from the beginning until 2017 about the number of cases, which are being solved with the help of family mediation and the number of cases that have been succesfully solved with the family mediation. It focuses on possible trends of constant higher number of succesfully closed cases with family mediation and its connection to better legislative basis of ADR in Slovenia.
The paper discusses the characteristics of modern American presidential political rhetoric with special reference to Barack Obama's speeches in which he addressed the highly publicized killings of black Americans. Three of the analysed speeches contain Obama's rhetorical reaction to the judicial decisions not to indict the police officers responsible for the killings, while one speech gives his immediate reaction to the mass murder of black parishioners by a white supremacist. The study is based on the discourse-linguistic analysis of attitudinal meanings and their functions, which are conceptualized as evaluative frames. Evaluative frames are used to highlight different kinds of discourse participants through judgments of behaviour, attributions of emotions and evaluations of semiotic phenomena and objects. The theoretical framework for the different categories of evaluative frames is based on the theory of news framing and theory of evaluative language within systemic-functional linguistics. The findings of the analysis show that Obama uses an interplay of positive and negative evaluations of different kinds to transcend racial categorizations and avoid a direct attribution of blame. When he acknowledges the continuing relevance of the racial divide in US society, he often applies evaluative frames in such a way that they unify rather than divide the discourse participants on both sides of the divide. ; The paper discusses the characteristics of modern American presidential political rhetoric with special reference to Barack Obama's speeches in which he addressed the highly publicized killings of black Americans. Three of the analysed speeches contain Obama's rhetorical reaction to the judicial decisions not to indict the police officers responsible for the killings, while one speech gives his immediate reaction to the mass murder of black parishioners by a white supremacist. The study is based on the discourse-linguistic analysis of attitudinal meanings and their functions, which are conceptualized as evaluative frames. Evaluative frames are used to highlight different kinds of discourse participants through judgments of behaviour, attributions of emotions and evaluations of semiotic phenomena and objects. The theoretical framework for the different categories of evaluative frames is based on the theory of news framing and theory of evaluative language within systemic-functional linguistics. The findings of the analysis show that Obama uses an interplay of positive and negative evaluations of different kinds to transcend racial categorizations and avoid a direct attribution of blame. When he acknowledges the continuing relevance of the racial divide in US society, he often applies evaluative frames in such a way that they unify rather than divide the discourse participants on both sides of the divide. ; The paper discusses the characteristics of modern American presidential political rhetoric with special reference to Barack Obama's speeches in which he addressed the highly publicized killings of black Americans. Three of the analysed speeches contain Obama's rhetorical reaction to the judicial decisions not to indict the police officers responsible for the killings, while one speech gives his immediate reaction to the mass murder of black parishioners by a white supremacist. The study is based on the discourse-linguistic analysis of attitudinal meanings and their functions, which are conceptualized as evaluative frames. Evaluative frames are used to highlight different kinds of discourse participants through judgments of behaviour, attributions of emotions and evaluations of semiotic phenomena and objects. The theoretical framework for the different categories of evaluative frames is based on the theory of news framing and theory of evaluative language within systemic-functional linguistics. The findings of the analysis show that Obama uses an interplay of positive and negative evaluations of different kinds to transcend racial categorizations and avoid a direct attribution of blame. When he acknowledges the continuing relevance of the racial divide in US society, he often applies evaluative frames in such a way that they unify rather than divide the discourse participants on both sides of the divide. ; The paper discusses the characteristics of modern American presidential political rhetoric with special reference to Barack Obama's speeches in which he addressed the highly publicized killings of black Americans. Three of the analysed speeches contain Obama's rhetorical reaction to the judicial decisions not to indict the police officers responsible for the killings, while one speech gives his immediate reaction to the mass murder of black parishioners by a white supremacist. The study is based on the discourse-linguistic analysis of attitudinal meanings and their functions, which are conceptualized as evaluative frames. Evaluative frames are used to highlight different kinds of discourse participants through judgments of behaviour, attributions of emotions and evaluations of semiotic phenomena and objects. The theoretical framework for the different categories of evaluative frames is based on the theory of news framing and theory of evaluative language within systemic-functional linguistics. The findings of the analysis show that Obama uses an interplay of positive and negative evaluations of different kinds to transcend racial categorizations and avoid a direct attribution of blame. When he acknowledges the continuing relevance of the racial divide in US society, he often applies evaluative frames in such a way that they unify rather than divide the discourse participants on both sides of the divide. ; The paper discusses the characteristics of modern American presidential political rhetoric with special reference to Barack Obama's speeches in which he addressed the highly publicized killings of black Americans. Three of the analysed speeches contain Obama's rhetorical reaction to the judicial decisions not to indict the police officers responsible for the killings, while one speech gives his immediate reaction to the mass murder of black parishioners by a white supremacist. The study is based on the discourse-linguistic analysis of attitudinal meanings and their functions, which are conceptualized as evaluative frames. Evaluative frames are used to highlight different kinds of discourse participants through judgments of behaviour, attributions of emotions and evaluations of semiotic phenomena and objects. The theoretical framework for the different categories of evaluative frames is based on the theory of news framing and theory of evaluative language within systemic-functional linguistics. The findings of the analysis show that Obama uses an interplay of positive and negative evaluations of different kinds to transcend racial categorizations and avoid a direct attribution of blame. When he acknowledges the continuing relevance of the racial divide in US society, he often applies evaluative frames in such a way that they unify rather than divide the discourse participants on both sides of the divide. ; V prispevku so obravnavane značilnosti sodobne ameriške predsedniške politične retorike s posebnim poudarkom na govorih Baracka Obame, s katerimi se je odzval na uboje temnopoltih Američanov. Trije od analiziranih govorov vsebujejo Obamov odziv na sodne odločitve, ki so zavrnile obtožbo policistov, odgovornih za uboj, v enem od govorov pa se je odzval na množični umor temnopoltih faranov s strani belega skrajneža. Študija temelji na analizi jezikovnih kategorij vrednotenja, ki so pojmovane kot okviri vrednotenja. Okviri vrednotenja udeležence v diskurzu osvetlijo s presojami vedenja in pripisovanja čustev ter z vrednotenjem predmetov in pojavov. Koncept okvirov vrednotenja temelji na spoznanjih teorije medijske komunikacije in teorije jezika vrednotenja v sistemsko-funkcijskem jezikoslovju. Ugotovitve analize kažejo, da Obama uporablja preplet pozitivnih in negativnih vrednotenj različnih vrst, da bi presegel rasno kategorizacijo in se izognil neposrednemu pripisovanju krivde. Raziskava pokaže tudi, da Obama rasne razdelitve pogosto uokvirja tako, da udeležence na nasprotnih straneh poenoti z istim okvirom.
The author poses the question of whether it is possible to say, contrary to common agreement, that Hegel's political thought contains the elements of liberal political thought. She shows, through examination of The Elements of the Philosophy of Right, that Hegel's definition of an individual as a being of reason & as a free being at the same time points in the direction of liberalism & its preoccupation with the freedom & autonomy of the individual. Hegel's key emphasis, however, is that freedom of free choice already presupposes a choice already made, a forced choice of the frame of the free choice itself, which an individual has to take upon himself/herself. Adapted from the source document.
Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; V luči pojava skrajno desne in populistične retorike v Evropi, ki je bila zlasti posledica migrantske krize leta 2015, ter rasističnega in ksenofobnega diskurza, ki je bil premnogokrat odgovor nanjo, članek podaja multimodalno analizo političnih sloganov in plakatov slovenskih strank, ki so na državnozborskih volitvah leta 2018 osvojile parlamentarne sedeže. Volitve so bile namreč poleg osredotočanja na problematike, lastne slovenski politični krajini, prežete z govorom o tem, kako se spopasti z izzivi, s katerimi se sooča Evropa. Cilj raziskave je preučiti, katerih jezikovnih in vizualnih sredstev so se posluževale stranke na najrazličnejših straneh političnega spektra in ali bi lahko za nekatere elemente dejali, da so značilni za določeno politično usmerjenost. Kratkemu pregledu slovenskih strankarskih dinamik in pogojev, ki so pripomogli k njihovemu razvoju, sledi analiza političnih kampanj strank. Zavzemši držo politične analize diskurza se prvi del osredotoča na leksikalne in skladenjske odločitve strank v političnih sloganih in na podporno slikovno gradivo, medtem ko je drugi del namenjen jezikoslovni analizi načina, kako politične stranke v svojih predvolilnih programih naslavljajo pet glavnih tem: pokojnine, korupcijo, finance, zdravstvo in varnost. Njihova stališča in razlike med njimi glede na politično usmerjenost so ponazorjene z izbranimi izseki iz strankarskih programov.
Evropske države so se povezale v EU na podlagi nekaterih skupnih temeljnih vrednot med katerima vidno mesto zavzemata demokracija in pravna država. S tem v zvezi sta medijsko zelo izpostavljeni Madžarska in Poljska, ki sta v zadnjem času sprejeli vrsto zakonov, ki nasprotujejo evropskim temeljem. Gradita neliberalno demokracijo, saj naj bi bila po njunem mnenju liberalna preživeta. EU pa pri varovanju svojih vrednot za enkrat ni najbolj uspešna, zato se v nalogi sprašujem, kaj vse bi EU morala postoriti, da bi se države vrnile v evropske okvirje. Pri tem pa ne zagovarjam niti ostrih posegov v posamezno državo, niti ne visokih denarnih sankcij. Skozi nalogo ves čas opozarjam, da je potrebno nasloviti problem pri njegovih vzrokih ter da je nujno, da se med vsemi vpletenimi stranmi vzpostavi dialog ter da se skupaj poišče rešitev in skupno pot naprej. ; European countries have connected into the EU on the grounds of common fundamental values, most notably democracy and the rule of law. In regard to the latter two values, Hungary and Poland attract the most media coverage, as they have in the recent time changed a few laws that contradict the European foundations. In their own words, they are building an illiberal democracy, as they believe that the liberal one is outdated. EU is at present not very successful at protecting its values ; this is why I am wandering in this article what does the EU has to do in order to bring the country back into the European frame. I am not in favour of either any intervention into the country neither am I in favour of the high financial sanctions. Through this piece I am continuously arguing that the problem needs to be addressed at its roots and that all the actors involved need to run a dialogue to find a suitable solution together for a united path forward.
Izgorevanje fosilnih energentov negativno vpliva na naš planet in v veliki meri pripomore k negativnim spremembam našega okolja. Z namenom preprečitve teh sprememb se od devetdesetih let prejšnjega stoletja v svetu, tudi v političnem opredeljevanju, vse bolj krepi zavedanje, da je treba ukrepati in s tem namenom svetovne politike vse več pozornosti posvečajo uvajanju programov, s katerimi bi te spremembe preprečili oziroma jih vsaj omilili. Evropska unija ima pri aktivnostih varovanja okolja vodilno vlogo v svetu. Predvsem pa znotraj unije skrbi za uresničevanje zastavljenih ciljev varstva okolja in državam članicam nalaga obveze za izpolnjevanje skupnih ciljev in dopušča ukrepe, ki naj bi zagotovili izpolnitev zadanih ciljev. S tem namenom dopušča tudi izjeme od načelne prepovedi dodeljevanja državnih pomoči. Le te so dopustne le, če so skladne s pravili, ki opredeljujejo njihovo dodelitev, katera so v izključni pristojnosti Evropske komisije, in uresničujejo cilje skupnega interesa, kar skrb za varstvo okolja zagotovo je. Tako je, dodeljena skladno z enimi od takšnih pravil, to je s smernicami o državni pomoči za varstvo okolja in (energijo) , izjemoma dopustna tudi državna pomoč proizvajalcem, ki proizvajajo električno energijo iz obnovljivih virov, če je predhodno tudi potrjena s strani Evropske komisije. Takšna državna pomoč, je bila leta 2009 z Energetskim zakonom uveljavljena tudi v Republiki Sloveniji, kot podpora za električno energijo, proizvedeno iz obnovljivih virov v okviru podporne sheme. Uveljavitev podporne sheme je bila smiselna in predvsem potrebna z namenom spodbuditi potencialne investitorje k investicijam, ki bodo prispevale k razvoju oziroma povečanju deleža električne energije, proizvedene iz obnovljivih virov, v skupni bruto končni rabi električne energije. Evropska unija je Republiko slovenijo z Direktivo 2009/28/ES Evropskega parlamenta in sveta o spodbujanju uporabe energije iz obnovljivih virov namreč obvezala do leta 2020 doseči 25 odstotni delež energije iz obnovljivih virov v skupni bruto končni rabi energije. Proizvajalci, ki so zgradili oziroma namestili proizvodne naprave za proizvodnjo električne energije iz obnovljivih virov so tako lahko v okviru podporne sheme pridobili podpore, namenjene za pokritje razlike med stroški proizvodnje, vključno z normalnim donosom na vložena sredstva, in prihodki od prodaje te proizvedene električne energije na trgu. Ker so bile vrednosti podpor določene administrativno, na podlagi vrednosti primerljivih investicij pred uveljavitvijo podporne sheme, in v obdobju med leti 2010 in 2012 niso bile usklajene z razmerami enakih investicij posameznih tehnologij na trgu (katerih cene so se bolj ali manj prepolovile), so v mnogih primerih proizvajalcem dodeljene podpore, za katere se izkazuje, da niso sorazmerne in presegajo dopusten obseg državne pomoči opredeljen tako v smernicah o državni pomoči za varstvo okolja in (energijo), kot tudi v nacionalni zakonodaji. V takšnih primerih bi država načeloma morala poseči v že dodeljene državne pomoči, ki se bodo proizvajalcem izplačevale za vso proizvedeno električno energijo v obdobju 15 let od namestitve proizvodne naprave, in jih, skladno z zakonodajnimi določbami, korigirati tako, da bodo služile svojemu namenu, to je pokritju razlike med stroški proizvodnje, vključno z normalnim donosom na vložena sredstva in prihodki od prodaje te energije na trgu. ; The combustion of fossil fuels has a negative impact on the environment and has become a major contributor to negative changes in our environment. To prevent these changes, the awareness that action must be taken has been present from the 1990s onward, including political actions. Global governance, therefore, pays more attention to the introduction of the programmes that prevent or at least mitigate these changes. The European Union has a leading role in the combat against climate changes. The Member States are responsible for meeting common objectives to protect the environment and to implement the measures for the fulfilment of these objectives. In this view, exceptions to the general prohibition on state aid are allowed. These exceptions are allowed only if they are in compliance with the rules that determine their allocation and falling within the exclusive jurisdiction of the European Commission, as well as if they meet the common targets related to environmental protection. In lines with one of these rules, Guidelines on State aid for environmental protection and energy, a state aid for the production of electricity from renewable sources is permitted. This state aid must be previously approved by the European Commission. By implementing the Energy Act in 2009, Slovenia has established such state aid as a support for the production of electricity from renewable energy sources within the frame of the support scheme. The introduction of the support scheme was a sensible and above all the necessary solution to encourage investors for investments that will contribute to the development and to increasing the share of renewable electricity in the gross final electricity consumption. By the Directive 2009/28/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council on the promotion of the use of energy from renewable sources Slovenia become committed to achieve a 25 percent share of energy produced from renewable sources by 2020 in the gross final energy consumption. Producers who built or installed the facilities for the production of electricity from the renewable sources received the support within the support scheme ; the support was intended to cover the difference between the production costs, including a normal return on assets, and the revenues from the sale of electricity in the market. These supports were determined administratively on the basis of comparable investments before the support scheme was implemented ; in the period between 2010 and 2012 were not in compliance with the requirements for comparable investments in the market (prices of these investments were more or less halved). Due to that, many producers were granted the supports, which are not proportional and exceed the admissible amount of state aid determined by the Guidelines on State aid for environmental protection and energy, and national legislation. In such cases, the state should intervene in already granted supports, which are to be paid to producers for the produced electricity over the period of 15 years from the installation of the production facility. In accordance with the legislation, supports should be amend in a way to serve their purpose, that is to cover the difference between the production costs, including a normal return on assets, and the revenues from the sale of electricity in the market.
