El artículo trata sobre la incertidumbre que rodea la libre circulación de capitales y fiscalidad, de manera que continúa —y no se sabe por cuánto tiempo seguirá— prevaleciendo por encima de todo la estrategia consistente en dejar que cada Estado miembro adopte la solución que estime más conveniente para sus intereses. ; The article deals with the uncertainty surrounding the free movement of capital and taxation, so that it continues —and it is not known for how long it will continue— prevailing above all the strategy consisting of letting each member State adopt the solution it deems best suitable for your interests. ; peerReviewed
El presente estudio se centra en el análisis de la libre circulación de personas y servicios, en concreto en el asunto Gebhard, por el cual el Tribunal de Luxemburgo a la vez que ha introducido un nuevo derecho inherente a la libre prestación de servicios, dotándola de la infraestructura necesaria, ha perfilado los límites entre el derecho de establecimiento y la libre prestación de servicios. ; This study focuses on the analysis of the free movement of people and services, specifically in the Gebhard case, in which the Luxembourg Court has simultaneously introduced a new right inherent to the freedom to provide services, endowing it with the necessary infrastructure has outlined the limits between the right of establishment and the freedom to provide services. ; peerReviewed
El autor plantea cuáles son los retos que el Ecuador debe afrontar para ratificar firmemente su participación política y económica en la Comunidad Andina. Se pregunta para ello ¿qué clase de integración queremos yen qué contexto international puede insertarse dicha integración? El artículo se concentra en nueve aspectos comerciales y económicos que deberán ser abordados por el nuevo gobierno. Finalmente, elabora una reflexión sobre las posibilidades de constituir un Mercado Común Andino, tarea que supone grandes desafíos en materia de libre circulación de servicios y capitales. ; By tackling such questions as ""what kind of integration we desire"" and ""what international environment could allow the integration we seek'; the author inquires into the main challenges that Ecuador must meet so as to firmly ratify its political and economic participation in the Andean Community. This article focuses on nine economic and trade subjects which the new administration will Have to deal with. Finally, there is a discussion about the possibilities of constructing an Andean Common Market, a task which implies huge challenges with regards to the free movement of services and capital.
This research examines the social representations of the antiglobilization movement (AGM) in a sample of university students. The social representations are studied using words as stimuli in a free association task & employing a questionnaire on the AGM in the form of a semantic differential. One hundred-sixty-nine participants at the Universidad Autonoma de Madrid completed both measures. The free association task reveals two clear semantic fields: the first one consists of antiglobalization, left, protest, minority, & worker; the second contains the words globalization, right, order, & professional. The results from the questionnaire on the image of the AGM can be summarized by seven factors: evaluation, activity, extension, negotiation style, potency, conviction, & behavioral style. Three dimensions of evaluation were found in our sample which describe the structure of the social representation of AGM: identity, opposition, & totality (goal & levels of aspiration). Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.
Desde nuestra adhesión a la Unión Europea, España ha firmado tratados que contemplan la libre circulación y el derecho de formación de los/as ciudadanos/as españoles/as en cualquier país de la Unión Europea. De hecho, a nivel europeo se ha iniciado una reforma universitaria, enmarcada dentro de la Estrategia de Lisboa o Plan Bolonia, que nos ha incluido en el Espacio Europeo de Educación Superior. Con el siguiente artículo expondremos, a través del Trabajo Social, como esto ha influido en la relación entre España y Francia. En él, describiremos el itinerario formativo de un/a trabajador/a social hasta su ejercicio profesional, en cada uno de los países. Así como los mecanismos de reconocimiento de su certificación, con el fin de facilitar la movilidad de profesionales y alumnos/as ; Abstract: Since our accession to the European Union, Spain has signed treaties that provide for free movement and the right to education of Spanish citizens in any country of the European Union. In fact, a University reform has started at the European level, framed within the Lisbon Strategy or Bologna Process, which we have included in the European Higher Education Area. In the following article we analyze through Social Work the way in which this has influenced the relationship between Spain and France. We will describe the process of formation of a social worker to its practice, both in a country and the other. We will also describe the different current mechanisms for recognition of its certification, in order to facilitate the mobility of professionals and students.
Argues that one of the main purposes of NAFTA is opportunity for direct foreign investment and that North America is a geographical and social space which has been appropriated by the business enterprises and capital of NAFTA members.
Entrance fees & tuition in the UNAM have been cause for student movements each time an increase is tried. Considering whether fees in public universities are constitutional or not, has been a central point of controversy in the last few years. Going against those who argue the UNAM -- & public higher-learning institutions in general -- should not be free of charge, the author tries to demonstrate that they should be. In addition, this subject has to do with the concept of the UNAM's autonomy ever since the years following the Mexican Revolution of 1910. Adapted from the source document.
Before asking what a student movement is, one must understand the nature of the institution in which such movements are born: the university. Ever since the High Middle Ages, the university has been characterized by its corporate structure. This implies a certain amount of isolation with the outside. Moreover, as a corporation, a university means hierarchy & privilege. These two elements may be dangerous when the institution is penetrated by politicians. In fact, the political invasion of scientific spheres terribly deforms the notion of autonomy. Thus, hierarchy, privilege, & isolation produce an explosive mixture: the university looses its nature as a source of knowledge & turns into a parcel of corruption. Certainly, a free university must not divorce itself from reality; however, social interaction & feedback must evolve, meaning mature ideas & not utopian anachronism. In short, the author concludes, a university must generate social confidence, starting with itself. Adapted from the source document.
This article discusses some of the effects of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) on Mexico's economy, society, & politics. The author argues that since the agreement went into effect in 1994, & in spite of the grave financial crisis that led to a significant devaluation in Dec 1994, there was an accelerated expansion of Mexican exports & an increase in foreign investment, further, the main macroeconomic variables show signs of recovery. However, NAFTA's impact on different economic activities & on different regions varies. Large transnational & Mexican enterprises have benefited more than small enterprises; northern Mexico more than southern Mexico. Not only small entrepreneurs but the Mexican society at large agree that these macroeconomic indicators have yet to be evident at the microeconomic level, in jobs or in family income. Economic liberalization & NAFTA affect the Mexican political system as actors, movements, & parties take advantage of them & interact more intensely both domestically & in external forums; as a result, domestic policy adopts an international dimension. NAFTA offers new opportunities but also implies important challenges. The necessary modernization of the private sector will have to meet the challenge of competing in the global economy while maintaining the competitive advantages of NAFTA & the agreements Mexico signed with several Latin American countries & the European Union. Most important is achieving economic modernization without social exclusion -- which has been the case thus far -- within the framework of a more efficient, dependable, & transparent State, & a more democratic society. 10 Tables, 4 Graphs. Adapted from the source document.
Las radios libres empiezan a surgir a últimos de la década de los años 70 en la C.A.V. Mientras las emisoras comerciales intentaban obtener una rentabilidad económica, las alternativas se presentaban como una forma de oposición al poder establecido. Sus emisiones transcurrieron al margen de la legislación vigente hasta marzo de 1989 que fueron obligadas a cerrar por orden gubernativa, aunque a los pocos meses vuelven a emitir, pero en esta ocasión las emisoras comerciales buscan el apoyo de una cadena con el fin de incrementar sus horas de programación. En este estudio se hace una mención histórica de las emisoras libres atendiendo a aspectos como: el origen los promotores, la organización, financiación y programación. ; The free radios movement began in the last years of the 70's in the Autonomous Community of the Basque Country. The commercial stations tried to get profits, and all the other choices were a kind of opposition to the establishment. The started to broadcast out of the law until March 1989, when they were obliged to quit by the Government. Some months after that, they broadcasted again, with the help of a commercial station to increase their time on the air. In this research we trace the historical development of the free radios attending to aspects like: their origin, entrepreneurs, organization, investment and programs.
Argues that the changing nature of international relations changes the nature of sovereignty & how nations seek to protect their interests. When nations become intertwined in the web of transnational movements of capital, labor, goods, & technology, they give up aspects of their sovereignty, & are no longer in complete control of their economic destiny. This is true, however, for all countries in the web, & must be so in order to benefit from the new relations. This international involvement is achieved through treaties or pacts like the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). It is argued that, with Mexico's entrance into the world of free trade, new safeguards are needed to minimize the impact on Mexico's internal political institutions & relations. 20 References. V. Rios
We consider globalization as the most important and defining phenomenon of our contemporary society. The concept that a purely economic perspective refers to the internationalization of markets, is characterized by a number of factors including the elimination of borders in the areas of finance and trade, free movement of capital, services and people as well as interaction among countries and regions of the world through new communication infrastructures.The globalization of society has required infrastructure to uphold it. The ability to access and have the information from anywhere in the world, as well as easy to share and distribute not have been possible without the creation and development of new technologies of information and communication technologies (ICTs), such that globalization is a phenomenon completely tied to what has been called-SocietyInformation. ; Podemos considerar la Globalización como el fenómeno más relevante y definitorio de nuestra sociedad contemporánea. El concepto que desde una perspectiva exclusivamente económica alude a la internacionalización de los mercados, se caracteriza por una serie de factores como la eliminación de fronteras en los ámbitos financieros y comerciales, la libre circulación de capitales, servicios y personas, así como interacción entre países y regiones del mundo a través de las nuevas infraestructuras de comunicación. El proceso de globalización de la sociedad ha precisado de una infraestructura que lo sustentase. La posibilidad de acceder y disponer de la información desde cualquier parte del planeta, así como la facilidad para compartirla y distribuirla no hubiera sido posible sin la creación y desarrollo de las nuevas tecnologías de la información y las comunicaciones (TIC), de tal manera que la globalización es un fenómeno totalmente ligado a lo que se ha venido denominando "Sociedad de laInformación". ; Podemos considerar a Globalização como o fenómeno mais relevante e definidor da nossa sociedade contemporânea. O conceito que, numa perspectiva exclusivamente económica, alude à internacionalização dos mercados, caracteriza-se por uma série de factores como a eliminação de fronteiras nas esferas financeira e comercial, a livre circulação de capitais, serviços e pessoas, bem como a interacção entre países e regiões do mundo através das novas infra-estruturas de comunicação. O processo de globalização da sociedade exigiu uma infra-estrutura para a apoiar. A possibilidade de aceder e dispor da informação de qualquer parte do planeta, bem como a facilidade de a partilhar e distribuir, não teria sido possível sem a criação e o desenvolvimento de novas tecnologias da informação e da comunicação (TIC), de tal modo que a globalização é um fenómeno totalmente ligado àquilo a que se chamou a "Sociedade da Informação".
At this point, capitalism, through the rules of the free market & entities such as the International Monetary Fund & the World Bank, has imposed its policies & dogma on the global society. In assessing the future of the nation-state under these circumstances, it is important not to consider it as extinct & to review other avenues to defend society against catastrophes provoked by a globalized market. The elements of a new internationalism that can resist the neoliberal capitalist offensive & be independent of states & groups of particularist interests are described. This internationalism can have an emancipating & universalist effect if various movements now underway converge & interact. 5 References. Adapted from the source document.
RÉSUMÉ. La Convention d'application de l'accord de Schengen, signée le 19 juin 1990, et la Convention de Dublin relative a la détermination de l'État responsable de l'examen d'une demande d'asile présentée dans l'un des États membres des Communautés européennes, du 15 juin 1990, constituent les deux premieres manifestations d'une approche normative du droit d'asile depuis la perspective communautaire. Ces instruments ont tous deux une portee tres réduite, puisqu'ils se limitent á definir les critéres permettant d'identifier l'Etat responsable de l'étude d'une demande d'asile concrete. lis n'ont done pas pour finalité d'établir une réglementation matérielle commune en matiére de droit d'asile; mais de fixer un ensemble de critéres objectifs permettant d'éliminer dans le domaine communautaire á la fois le phénoméne des refugies «en orbite» et celui de la présentation de demandes múltiples. Le fait qu'ils ont été elabores dans le cadre des travaux réalisés par les Etats membres en vue de garantir la libre circulation des personnes a une incidence directe sur ces deux instruments, á la fois d'un point de vue matériel et d'un point de vue méthodologique. Sous l'angle matériel, il se traduira par la consolidation d'un lien étroit entre la politique d'asile et celle d'immigration, avec pour résultat l'apparition d'une tendance réductrice qui se manifesté particuliérement dans le concept de demandeur d'asile employé dans ces deux conventions, qui s'identifie avec celui de refugié inscrit dans la Convention de Genéve de 1951. En méme temps, ce lien entre asile et immigration va se refléter également dans les critéres de détermination de l'Etat responsable, critéres qui gravitent autour de l'identification de la responsabilité de l'Etat pour l'entrée de l'étranger sur le territoire commun et de sa responsabilité dans l'examen d'une demande d'asile. D'un point de vue méthodologique, le lien entre l'asile et la libre circulation des personnes de traduit par l'abandon de la méthode communautaire et par le recours á la coopération intergouvernementale comme mode de production normative. II en résultera un impact tant sur la nature de la norme, qui ne sera pas communautaire au sens strict du terme, que du point de vue de l'absence de mécanismes obligatoires de solution des litiges apparus en cours d'application des deux conventions. Á cela il faut ajouter les problémes derives de la pluralité des actions entreprises dans le cadre de la coopération intergouvernementale, avec comme corollaire la possible apparítion de problémes de hiérarchie des normes, dus au concours de deux instruments différenciés qui créent des régimes juridiques paralléles mais autonomes. En ajoutant á cela la subsistance d'une pluralité de réglamentations nationales qui forment la base unique de toute decisión au fond sur une demande d'asile, nous nous trouvons en présence d'une dispersión des normes qui ne peut manquer d'avoir une incidence négative sur la réalisation des objectifs qui sont précisément ceux des conventions d'application de Schengen et de Dublin. II est des lors devenu impérieux d'engager une reflexión sérieuse sur la nécessité de communautariser la réglementation du droit d'asile, moyennant un ensemble de processus d'harmonisation matérielle et formelle qui ont déjá obtenu la faveur de l'un ou l'autre État membre et dont la mise en oeuvre serait possible, notamment par le biais du recours á l'effet passerelle inscrit á l'article K.9 du Traite sur l'Union européenne. ; ABSTRACT. The Convention applying the Schengen Agreement of 19 June 1990 and the Dublin Convention determining the State Responsible for examining applications for asylum lodged in one of the Member States of the European Communities of 15 June 1990 are the first two manifestations of a move towards the adoption of a Community approach to asylum in law-making. Both instruments are of very limited scope, merely laying down the criteria for identifying the State which is to be responsible for consideríng a specific application for asylum. Their aim is not, therefore, to lay down concrete common rules governing asylum but rather to establish a set of objective criteria which make it possible to elimínate within the territory of the Community both the phenomenon of «asylum hunting» by refugees and the lodgment of múltiple applications. Both instruments are directly influenced both substantievely and from the methodological point of view by the fact that they were drawn up in the context of the work carried out by the Member States in order to guarantee the free movement of persons. From the substantive point of view, this is reflected by a much stronger link between the policies relating to asylum and to immigration, the result of which is a reductionist trend that is particularly apparent in the concept of asylum relied on in both Conventions, which is modelled on the definition of refugee adopted in the 1951 Geneva Convention. At the same time, this link between asylum and immigrations is reflected in the rules for determining State responsibility, in which emphasis is placed on the responsibility of the State for the entry of the alien into the territory of the Community and its responsibility for examining applications for asylum. From a methodological point of view, the linking of asylum with the free movement of persons is reflected in the abandonment of the Community approach and the use of intergovernmental cooperation as a legislative basis. This has an impact on the nature of the rules, which are not strictly Community rules, and also means that there is no compulsory machinery for resolving differences which arise in the application of the two Conventions. To this must be added the problems deriving from the fact that nunerous measures are adopted within the framework of intergovernmental cooperation, which may lead to problems of priority caused by the convergence of two different instruments which créate sepárate, but parallel, sets of legal provisions. If to this we add the continuing existence of numerous national legal provisions on asylum which serve as the solé basis for decisions on the merits of all the applications lodged, we are confronted with such legislative diffuseness that efforts to attain the objectives pursued by the Dublin Convention and the Convention for the application of the Schengen Agreement must inevitably be adversely affected. For these reasons, it is essential to give serious consideration to the possibility of dealing with asylum at Community level, by embarking on a process of substantive and formal harmonization —which has already been advocated by one or more Member States— and which would be facilitated, in particular, by recourse to the «bridging» provisión contained ¡n Article K.9 of the Treaty on European Union.
