Suchergebnisse

In every country, the WTO rules should be viewed from two perspectives: (1) They are used to facilitate access to other countries' markets. (2) The mechanisms for the protection of a country's economy (which make up the bulk of the WTO regulations) are used for the justified & unjustified protection of a country's economy. The author analyzes GATT's basic norms & the Uruguay round of multilateral trade negotiations, with focus on the sector-accommodation policy, using financial services as an illustration. The creation of the WTO disposed of some shortcomings noticeable in GATT, eg, the temporary character of the regulations, the stable & predictable set of obstacles at the borders, & the objective procedures for dispute resolution. To implement the Uruguay session, which includes the GATT, all WTO member states are obliged to adopt its multilateral discipline & rules & bring their national regulations in line with the accepted obligations. The author concludes that the outcomes of the Uruguay session enhanced the role of world trade as a dynamizing factor of the growth of the world economy. 1 Table, 11 References. Adapted from the source document.

The idea underlying the politics of the Independent People's Party (Samostalna narodna stranka), emphasized already in the program of 1863, was the principle that Croatia had rights as an independent entity and consonant with this the duty to determine the status of its rights in the Monarchy independently, and not in conjunction with Hungary. In accordance with this principle the Party took as a point of departure its political conceptions of 1848 from which arose the separation of Croatia from Hungary. Although of all parties, the Independent People's Party built least on historical rights, it was prepared to turn to them in order to strengthen the position of Croatia as a state. It differed from the other parties in that the viewpoints of the aristocrats received least expression in its publications, and it favored the democratization of politics, with the involvement of the widest range of social strata in political life. Regarding the central government, the Independent press emphasized that the Croatian Office and the Viennese government did not have the same goals; to verify this assertion they indicated that the programmatic document "Conditionally or Unconditionally?" originated with the sanction of the Office. The demands expressed in this document were certainly not in accord with the centralistic tendencies in the Viennese government. Conditions for entrance into the Emperor's Council were, namely, an independent and autonomous budget, unification with Dalmatia and with a part of Krajina. Besides this it was emphasized that the Croatian Constitution and autonomy could not come into question, nor could the government ministers interfere in the issue of Croatia's autonomy. It was further emphasized that Inasmuch as Hungary obtained a different status as a state, those same rights must also be granted to Croatia. In their writings the Independent politicians sharply differentiated between two freedoms: the political freedom of citizens and the freedom to develop national identity, and they consistently supported the latter. They were convinced that within the Hungarian community of nations, Croatians would not be able to attain conditions conductive to free national development, and hence supported an agreement with Vienna. Aside from this, they hinted that in the event an agreement with Vienna could not be reached, the Croatians still had the opportunity to negotiate with Budapest. On the other hand, inasmuch as the Croatians would first negotiate with Budapest, or rather send their representatives to the Hungarian Assembly, the significance of the Croatian Assembly would be greatly reduced and would become completely dependent on the Hungarian Assembly. In this event there would be no further possibility for Croatia to enter into any other combination of states' rights. They further stressed, quite correctly, that the Hungarians themselves were making agreements with Vienna and that in some transactions they treated the Monarchy as an equal unity. Insofar as negotiations were already under way, the Independents were convinced that it was more advantageous for Croatians to take part in them immediately rather than directly with Hungary. In spite of the fact that the program demanded a lot, the majority of the populists did not support it from distrust that the program was merely a decoy to draw the Croatians into the Emperor's Council. The Independents were convinced that the main reason for this distrust was the widespread conviction that the goals of the Viennese government and the Croatian Office were identical, so they attacked such assertions in their publications. However, despite this, the majority of the populists continued to reject Independent policies and in their resistence joined the Unionists; in this way they strengthened the dualistic trend, which even without this support, became stronger in the political life of the Monarchy.

The informal economy is today the reality of all countries in the world, including both those in transition & the developed ones, but to a varying degree. The author makes special reference to the situation in the Russian Federation, discusses some policy options for reducing the informal economy. The author argues that the implementation of the basic aim -- the policy of reintegration of the grey economy into legal system -- is through rounding-off a market-oriented economic order, full protection of property, implementation of the policy of macroeconomic stability, stable exchange rate, foreign trade liberalization & the development of financial markets. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper explores the impact of innovativeness on the process of development. Innovativeness is perceived as an ability of transformation of the existing ideas into useful new forms or combinations that are multiplied & turned into technological innovations. The development guided by information technologies contributes to the accelerated increase in productivity, & unlike the previous technologies, it exerts impact on globalization by strengthening actual & financial relations. Not only that in-formation technologies incite trade in goods but they create information products of great market value. The author points to the fact that innovativeness does not only entail the economic dimension, but it involves all fields of life, producing an invaluable impact on social, educational, cultural & other trends. References. Adapted from the source document.

Resource management by a national economy is of great significance for every country. If they are deficient then they should be purchased abroad. Oil & oil derivatives are the energy resources that are in shortest supply in Serbia. The statistical data on its foreign trade in the period January-July 2008 show that Serbia recorded the greatest foreign deficit in its trade with the Russian Federation. This primarily results from its energy resources imports. Russia is Serbia's most important partner in strategic commodities supply. For this reason the measures for abolishing or decreasing the oil export duties would considerably reduce the production costs in our economy. This would lead to an improvement in a large number of our economic branches. References. Adapted from the source document.

Dugotrajnost sukoba na Kosovu dovela je do posebne brige Europske unije o tome pitanju, konkretno njezina posebnog djelovanja na čitavom području zapadnog Balkana s težnjom potpune europeizacije toga prostora i njegova približavanja europskim integracijama. Razdoblje od 80-ih godina 20. stoljeća za Kosovo je predstavljalo svojevrsnu prekretnicu s obzirom na to da su izmijenjene ustavne mogućnosti u tadašnjoj državi davale mogućnost osamostaljenja i uspostave kosovske države. Shvaćanje cjelokupne kosovske problematike potrebno je sagledati i iz povijesnog aspekta te uloge međunarodne zajednice. Općenito, kosovska država nastala je uglavnom na podlozi međunarodnog djelovanja čime su postavljeni temelji za uspostavu suvremene europske države, pri čemu su osobito važni Ahtisaarijev plan te Rezolucija 1244 iz 1999. godine iz koje svoje djelovanje izvodi i Europska unija. Do danas, Kosovo je prošlo tri razdoblja – ono političkih nemira do 90-ih godina 20. stoljeća, razdoblje intenzivnog djelovanja međunarodne zajednice do prvog desetljeća 21. stoljeća te razdoblje Europske unije koje još traje, odnosno tek počinje s obzirom na to da je Kosovo potpisalo Sporazum o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju. Europska unija ima značajan utjecaj na daljnji razvoj kosovske države glede vladavine prava, uspostave demokratskih standarda te jačanja transparentne vlasti. Profilirajući se kao važan globalni čimbenik mira i stabilnosti, rezultati Europske unije na Kosovu vidljivi su kroz misiju EULEX-a te djelovanje Visokog predstavnika Europske unije na Kosovu, kao i svih ostalih institucija Europske unije. Na izmaku drugog desetljeća ovog stoljeća ponovno jača utjecaj Sjedinjenih Američkih Država na Kosovu koje nikada nisu ni izgubile interes za uspostavu mira i stabilnosti na ovom području. Upravo zbog toga, zajedničko djelovanje Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i Europske unije jedini je put ka konačnom rješavanju komplementarnog kosovskog pitanja. ; The protracted conflict in Kosovo has led to the European Union's special concern on the ...

Istraživanja u slovenskim poduzećima pokazuju da se u sedamdesetim godinama oligarhijska struktura moći u poduzeću nije promijenila. To potvrđuju percepcije ispitanika o strukturi moći i vlastitoj nemoći. Malo značenje sindikata za socijalnu organizaciju poduzeća vidi se iz činjenice da je većina radnika koji se ne smatraju članovima sindikata. To, također, potvrđuju podaci istraživanja koji govore o nereprezentativnosti sindikata. Na drugoj strani, radnici priželjkuju njegovu zaštitiničku ulogu. Članak upozorava na ulogu dominantne koalicije moći pri nedemokratičnom izboru samoupravnih organa i analizira ideologiju samoupravljanja kao faktor neinstitucionalizirane socijalne stratifikacije. ; The research of Slovenian enterprises reveals that the oligarchical structure of power in the enterprise has not changed in the seventies. It is verified by the perceptions of respondents on the structure of power and their own powerlessness. The meager significance of trade-unions for the social organization of the enterprise is evident from the fact that the majority of workers do not consider themselves to be members of the trade-union. Furthermore, it is verified by the research results which demonstrate non-representativeness of trade-unions. On the other hand, workers desire the protective role of trade-union. The article cautions about the role of the dominant power- -coalition in non-democratic elections of self-management bodies and analyses the ideology of self-management as a factor of non-institutionalized social stratification.

nebst trad.: Evaluations de la population suivant l'âge et le sexe 1948-1965

U ovom istraživanju ispitana je realna ekonomska aktivnost i monetarna politika SAD-a u usporedbi s vanjskotrgovinskom bilancom i valutnim tečajevima, primjenjujući modele Qual VAR i nelinearni VAR model. Ustanovili smo da međunarodno poslovanje s Brazilom, Kanadom i Meksikom ne dovodi do moguće recesije u SAD-u. Vrijednost domaće valute Brazila, Kanade i Meksika u odnosu na američki dolar ne pridonosi mogućoj recesiji na deviznom tržištu. Također smo pokazali da će kontrakcija američke ekonomije i kontrakcijska monetarna politika dovesti do aprecijacije američkog dolara vodeći do priljeva kapitala. Iako negativna stopa federalnih fondova (shadow interest rate) može imati asimetrične učinke na vanjskotrgovinsku bilancu s Kanadom i USD / CAD-om, smatramo da će vanjskotrgovinska bilanca s Meksikom i USD / MXN biti pozitivno ili negativno uvjetovana povećanjem odnosno smanjenjem stope federalnih fondova. ; In this study, the real economic activity and monetary policy in the US are examined in comparison with the foreign trade balance and exchange rates, using Qual VAR and nonlinear VAR models. We found that the foreign trade with Brazil, Canada and Mexico do not lead to a possible recession in the US. The value of the domestic currency of Brazil, Canada and Mexico against the US dollar does not contribute to a possible recession over the foreign exchange market. We also show that a contraction in the US economy and contractionary monetary policy will lead to the appreciation of the US dollar by leading to capital inflows. Although the shadow interest rate may have asymmetric effects on the foreign trade balance with Canada and USD/CAD, we find that the foreign trade balance with Mexico and USD/MXN will be affected positively/negatively by an increase/decrease in the shadow interest rate.

Ustav Republike Hrvatske proklamira ljudska prava i slobode u skladu s dokumentima univerzalnog karaktera i vrelima prava Europske unije i Vijeća Europe. Među tim pravima Ustav utvrđuje prava i slobode na radu i u vezi s radom, prava radnika i njihovih udruga (poslodavaca i njihovih udruga) ali i prava i obveze države (i kada se javlja kao vlast ili/i kao poslodavac). Predmet ovoga rada su industrijske akcije drukčije od štrajka u sadržaju prirodnih prava (prava čovjeka na radu), kao dio prava na rad i slobodu rada, prava na zaradu "kojom može osigurati sebi i obitelji slobodan i dostojan život"; pravo na ograničeno radno vrijeme; pravo na odmore i dopuste; pravo udjela pri odlučivanju u poduzeću; pravo na zaštitu zdravlja i sigurnosti na radu; pravo na socijalnu sigurnost, socijalno osiguranje i zdravstvenu zaštitu; pravo koalicije i osnivanja sindikata "radi zaštite svojih gospodarskih i socijalnih interesa"; pa slijedom toga "jamči se pravo na štrajk". Pitanje i odnose štrajka i drugih industrijskih akcija uređuje zakon i autonomni opći akti, pravila udruga, a utvrđuje i sudska praksa, pored onoga što "kreira" i determinira praksa u živim, primjenljivim i promjenljivim odnosima, bez obzira na njihovu reguliranost. ; The Constitution of the Republic of Croatia proclaims human rights and freedoms in accordance with the documents of universal character and the sources of law of the European Union and the Council of Europe. Among these rights, the Constitution establishes the rights and freedoms at work and in connection with work, the rights of workers and their associations (employers and their associations), but also the rights and obligations of the state (both when it comes to power or/and as an employer). The subject of this paper is industrial action diff erent from the strike in the content of natural rights (human rights at work), as part of the right to work and freedom to work, the right to earn "which can secure a free and dignified life for himself and his family"; the right to a limited working ...

Emperor Carl's peace initiative via Prince Sixt of Bourbon is one of the most intriguing & insufficiently explained diplomatic episodes of WWI. By forging a quick peace, the Emperor wanted to eliminate the German tutelage & save the Habsburg Monarchy from the inevitable collapse in case of the Central Powers' defeat. The peace initiative failed largely due to Italy's reluctance to cede the territories promised to it by the London Peace Agreement, but also because it was not clear whether Austro-Hungary wanted a separate or universal peace in agreement with Germany. The failure of the Emperor's peace initiative politically discredited him, & at the same time made the Dual Monarchy even more politically & militarily dependent on Germany as well as on the outcome of the war itself. Adapted from the source document.

Ovaj rad na temelju neobjavljenih izvora, periodike, tiskane građe te referentne literature donosi rekonstrukciju dijela biografije Mirka Buića, pravnika, poduzetnika, publicista te visokoga lokalnog i državnog dužnosnika za vrijeme Kraljevine Jugoslavije. U profesionalnom smislu najdublji je trag ostavio u Trgovačko-obrtničkoj komori u Splitu, u kojoj je djelovao kao tajnik od kraja 1924. pa sve do sredine 1938. godine. Pred kraj međuratnoga razdoblja (1938. – 1939.) Buić je obnašao dužnosti splitskoga gradonačelnika, ministra tjelesnoga odgoja Kraljevine Jugoslavije te bana Primorske banovine. Njegova politička orijentacija bila je unitarno jugoslavenska i prorojalistička premda nije aktivno sudjelovao u stranačkom životu međuratnoga Splita. Buić je ostavio važan trag u splitskom sokolskom društvu, u kojem je imao rukovodeću ulogu između svjetskih ratova. ; On the basis of unpublished material, periodicals, and printed matter as well as reference literature, this paper offers a reconstruction of a part of the biography of Dr Mirko Buić, a prominent personality of public life in Split between the world wars. Buić's political orientation was unambiguously Yugoslav and pro-royalist, though he never actively participated on the political stage of interwar Split. In the professional sense, Buić left the deepest impression on the Chamber of Trades and Crafts in Split, where he acted as secretary from late 1924 to mid-1938, when he was appointed as the mayor of Split. For a short time, Buić served as the mayor of Split and the Minister of Physical Education of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Mirko Buić was the ban (governor) of the Littoral Banovina from September 1938 until the new administrative division of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the formation of the Banovina of Croatia were implemented following the Cvetković-Maček Agreement in August 1939. In addition to his professional work, Buić made a significant impression on the Sokol Society of Split, where he played a leading role through most of the interwar period. His short tenures as ban of the Littoral Banovina and mayor of Split were too brief for Buić to make significant changes, but he was nonetheless responsible for some noted initiatives in the economic field. After achieving the peak of his career in the late interwar period, when he was mayor, minister, and ban, the years of World War II were ones of hardship and uncertainty for Buić and his family. Buić's active participation in the advisory body of the People's Liberation Committee in Split in September 1943 helped him and his family reach the liberated territory of Vis. Near the end of the war he moved to Rome, where he lived out his remaining years.