Suchergebnisse

The role of the European Union (EU) trade liberalisation with the Western Balkans — namely Kosovo, Montenegro, Albania, and Macedonia — is overestimated, as major benefits could be expected mainly from institutional reforms rather than trade creation and economic perspective due to low economic development and a lack of comparative advantages in these countries.1 The core issue to be addressed in this article is whether these firms can exploit the opportunities arising from the EU integration process. The aim of this article is to confirm the hypothesis that the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) and trade agreements in the Western Balkans are not sufficient pre-conditions for successful performance and increase of exports by local firms; the main focus should be on the internal performance of firms. The paper analyses and compares the data collected by surveys conducted with local firms in Kosovo in order to measure the impact of the SAA. Finally, the article suggests that in the short and medium run the SAA could support and improve the quality of products, technical standards, and firm competitiveness as a pre-condition for better access to the EU market in the long run. ; The role of the European Union (EU) trade liberalisation with the Western Balkans — namely Kosovo, Montenegro, Albania, and Macedonia — is overestimated, as major benefits could be expected mainly from institutional reforms rather than trade creation and economic perspective due to low economic development and a lack of comparative advantages in these countries.1 The core issue to be addressed in this article is whether these firms can exploit the opportunities arising from the EU integration process. The aim of this article is to confirm the hypothesis that the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) and trade agreements in the Western Balkans are not sufficient pre-conditions for successful performance and increase of exports by local firms; the main focus should be on the internal performance of firms. The paper analyses and compares the data collected by surveys conducted with local firms in Kosovo in order to measure the impact of the SAA. Finally, the article suggests that in the short and medium run the SAA could support and improve the quality of products, technical standards, and firm competitiveness as a pre-condition for better access to the EU market in the long run.

U ovom se radu istražuje utjecaj regionalnih trgovinskih sporazuma (RTS) na razvoj intra-industrijske trgovine (IIT) za slučaj osam zemlja Srednje i istočne Europe (SIE) od 1997. do 2019. godine. Cilj rada je usporediti i objasniti mogući heterogeni utjecaj različitih RTS na IIT, kontrolirajući za razliku u ekonomskoj razvijenosti između zemalja partnera. Analiza se temelji na razini podataka zemlja-proizvod, a izvor podataka su UN Comtrade i CEPII baza podataka koja sadrži varijable gravitacijskog modela. Hipoteza rada je da CEFTA i EU ekonomske integracije imaju snažniji (pozitivni) učinak na IIT u usporedbi s ostalim RTS, ali snaga utjecaja varira između zemalja, s obzirom na razvojne nejednakosti zemalja, koje su u ovom radu mjerene kroz razliku u BDP po glavi stanovnika. U radu je razvijen i procijenjen model koristeći PPML procjenitelj. Doprinos rada jest uključivanje interakcijske varijable između RTS i razvojne nejednakosti. Rezultati rada su ukazali da je hipoteza rada validna, kao i da razvojne nejednakosti između zemalja članica integracije imaju negativan učinak na IIT, što potencijalno znači povećanje troškova prilagodbe zbog ekonomskog integriranja. Rezultati podupiru EU pred-pristupne i post-pristupne politike koje imaju za cilj smanjiti razvojne nejednakosti između zemalja članica integracije. ; This paper investigates the impact of regional trade agreements (RTAs) on the development of intra-industry trade (IIT) for eight Central and Eastern Europe countries (CEE) from 1997 to 2019. The aim of the paper is to compare and explain the possible heterogeneous impact of different RTAs on IIT across countries while controlling for differences in development levels between economic integration member states. Our analysis is based on country-product level data obtained from UN Comtrade. The main hypothesis of the paper is that the CEFTA and EU integration agreements have a highly positive effect on IIT in comparison with other RTAs. However, the scope of the impact varies across countries, primarily ...

U ovom se radu istražuje utjecaj regionalnih trgovinskih sporazuma (RTS) na razvoj intra-industrijske trgovine (IIT) za slučaj osam zemlja Srednje i istočne Europe (SIE) od 1997. do 2019. godine. Cilj rada je usporediti i objasniti mogući heterogeni utjecaj različitih RTS na IIT, kontrolirajući za razliku u ekonomskoj razvijenosti između zemalja partnera. Analiza se temelji na razini podataka zemlja-proizvod, a izvor podataka su UN Comtrade i CEPII baza podataka koja sadrži varijable gravitacijskog modela. Hipoteza rada je da CEFTA i EU ekonomske integracije imaju snažniji (pozitivni) učinak na IIT u usporedbi s ostalim RTS, ali snaga utjecaja varira između zemalja, s obzirom na razvojne nejednakosti zemalja, koje su u ovom radu mjerene kroz razliku u BDP po glavi stanovnika. U radu je razvijen i procijenjen model koristeći PPML procjenitelj. Doprinos rada jest uključivanje interakcijske varijable između RTS i razvojne nejednakosti. Rezultati rada su ukazali da je hipoteza rada validna, kao i da razvojne nejednakosti između zemalja članica integracije imaju negativan učinak na IIT, što potencijalno znači povećanje troškova prilagodbe zbog ekonomskog integriranja. Rezultati podupiru EU pred-pristupne i post-pristupne politike koje imaju za cilj smanjiti razvojne nejednakosti između zemalja članica integracije. ; This paper investigates the impact of regional trade agreements (RTAs) on the development of intra-industry trade (IIT) for eight Central and Eastern Europe countries (CEE) from 1997 to 2019. The aim of the paper is to compare and explain the possible heterogeneous impact of different RTAs on IIT across countries while controlling for differences in development levels between economic integration member states. Our analysis is based on country-product level data obtained from UN Comtrade. The main hypothesis of the paper is that the CEFTA and EU integration agreements have a highly positive effect on IIT in comparison with other RTAs. However, the scope of the impact varies across countries, primarily ...

U svom djelu Zatvorena trgovačka država iz 1800. godine, njemački filozof Johann Gottlieb Fichte zagovara ekonomsku autarkiju kao radikalan oblik protekcionizma, dok 1840. njemačko-američki ekonomist Friedrich List izdaje »bibliju protekcionizma«, djelo Nacionalni sustav političke ekonomije u kojem se suprotstavlja učenju Adama Smitha o važnosti slobodne trgovine i međunarodne razmjene. Pitanje otvorene ili zatvorene privrede iznimno je aktualno s obzirom na to da su globalizacijski procesi rezultirali rastućim nejednakostima i drugim anomalijama te se, kao reakcija, ponovno javljaju, ako su ikad i nestale, snažne protekcionističke prakse. U radu će se pokušati odgovoriti na pitanje je li globalni kapitalizam nužno suprotstavljen ekonomskom nacionalizmu te koju poziciju u toj opreci danas zauzimaju lijeve i desne političke opcije. Naime, umjesto lijeva ili desna, sve češće može se čuti da je neka stranka sistemska ili prosvjedna, pri čemu se tzv. sistemskima predbacuje da žele zadržati status quo u provođenju neoliberalne agende, dok prosvjedne često klize u populizme i nacionalizme. ; Johann Gottlieb Fichte in his work The Closed Commercial State (1800) argued for economic autarky as the next reform of protectionism. German-American economist Friedrich List published The National System of Political Economy (1840) which is considered to be the "Bible of protectionism". List was the opponent of Adam Smith's theses on the importance of free trade and international market. The advocate in a shift from open to closed economy is actual in the globalized world, which is determined by growing inequality and other social and political anomalies. Protectionism is imposed as a possible response to the discontents of globalization. The paper attempts to answer if there is a link between global capitalism and economic nationalism, and how are left and right political parties related to that possible link. Recently, in the days of political dissatisfaction, the alternative between left and right positions is replaced by the opposition between system and anti-system or protest parties. While system parties are criticized for keeping a status quo of neoliberal agenda, protest parties slide into nationalism and populism.

Protectionism is a system of measures used for the purpose of protecting domestic manufacturers from foreign competition. It has emerged simultaneously with the international exchange of goods. The contemporary protectionist policy and practice imposes the necessity of studying this phenomenon in the light of the current situation and conditions. Agricultural protectionism seems to be a particularly significant issue in the international exchange of commodities. ; Protekcionizam označava sustav mjera ekonomske države sa ciljem zaštite domaće proizvodnje u odnosu na konkurenciju inozemnih proizvođača. Javlja se nakon pojave međunarodne razmjene. Međutim, suvremena protekcionistička politika i praksa obavezuje da se istražuje fenomen protekcionizma u suvremenim uvjetima. Posebno je u suvremenoj teoriji za međunarodnu razmjenu značajan agrarni protekcionizam.

In regions troubled by ethnic based conflict violence often erupts abruptly and severely. Peacemakers, then, follow unconditional paths to prevent conflict escalation. The article analyzes the ways in which post-conflict constitutional designs shape the state structure through constitutional amendments. Peace agreements as bases for constitutional reform, the article claims, have reformatory but also obstructive implications. Seeing the Ohrid Framework Agreement as a case study, the paper analyzes its implications on the development of the political system in Macedonia. On one side OFA serves as a criterion for the Macedonian Euro-Atlantic integration and a driving force for the creation of a functioning multicultural society. On the other side, the procedural and substantive flaws of the agreement undermine its absorbability in the society. In procedural sense, OFA hindered its own implementation through the used terminology and the drafting process. In substantial sense, agreement's goals and provisions reached beyond the purpose of peace agreements and underestimated the complexity of the conflicting issues at stake. ; In regions troubled by ethnic based conflict violence often erupts abruptly and severely. Peacemakers, then, follow unconditional paths to prevent conflict escalation. The article analyzes the ways in which post-conflict constitutional designs shape the state structure through constitutional amendments. Peace agreements as bases for constitutional reform, the article claims, have reformatory but also obstructive implications. Seeing the Ohrid Framework Agreement as a case study, the paper analyzes its implications on the development of the political system in Macedonia. On one side OFA serves as a criterion for the Macedonian Euro-Atlantic integration and a driving force for the creation of a functioning multicultural society. On the other side, the procedural and substantive flaws of the agreement undermine its absorbability in the society. In procedural sense, OFA hindered its own implementation through the used terminology and the drafting process. In substantial sense, agreement's goals and provisions reached beyond the purpose of peace agreements and underestimated the complexity of the conflicting issues at stake.

Predmet ovog diplomskog rada su obilježja vanjske trgovine Europske unije sa SAD-om. Rad se sastoji od šest međusobno povezanih dijelova, u kojima je osim uvodnih i zaključnih riječi objašnjena trgovinska politika Europske unije te SAD-a. Trgovinska politika Europske unije opisana je s nekoliko primjera potpisanih sporazuma između Europske unije i drugih država. Također je opisana i nova trgovinska strategija Europske komisije koja se primjenjuje u pregovorima o Transatlantskom partnerstvu za trgovinu i ulaganja (TTIP). Prikazana je trgovina izemđu EU-a i SAD-a, uvoz i izvoz proizvoda i usluga te kretanje međusobnih investicija. Pregovori o TTIP-u između Europske unije i Sjedinjenih Američkih Država traju od srpnja 2013. godine te je održano trinaest runda pregovora. Odvijaju se u tri područja: pristup tržištu, regulatorna usklađenost i pravila. Cilj pregovora je ukloniti prepreke u trgovini kako bi se olakšala kupovina i prodaja roba i usluga između EU-a i SAD-a. U pregovore su uključeni i predstavnici interesno-utjecajnih skupina koji dolaze iz područja akademske zajednice, sindikata, predstavnika privatnog sektora i nevladinih organizacija. ; The subjects of this diploma thesis are the characteristics of European foreign trade to the USA. The work consists of six mutually related parts, which, except introduction and conclusion, explain the trade policies of the European Union and the USA. The trade policies of the European Union are described with several examples of signed agreements between the European Union and other states. The new trade strategy of the European Commission, which is currently being applied in Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations, has also been described. On-going cooperation between the European Union and the United States of America has been represented and systematized. This includes import and export of products, services and investments between the European Union and the United States. The TTIP negotiations between the European Union and the United ...

Predmet ovog diplomskog rada su obilježja vanjske trgovine Europske unije sa SAD-om. Rad se sastoji od šest međusobno povezanih dijelova, u kojima je osim uvodnih i zaključnih riječi objašnjena trgovinska politika Europske unije te SAD-a. Trgovinska politika Europske unije opisana je s nekoliko primjera potpisanih sporazuma između Europske unije i drugih država. Također je opisana i nova trgovinska strategija Europske komisije koja se primjenjuje u pregovorima o Transatlantskom partnerstvu za trgovinu i ulaganja (TTIP). Prikazana je trgovina izemđu EU-a i SAD-a, uvoz i izvoz proizvoda i usluga te kretanje međusobnih investicija. Pregovori o TTIP-u između Europske unije i Sjedinjenih Američkih Država traju od srpnja 2013. godine te je održano trinaest runda pregovora. Odvijaju se u tri područja: pristup tržištu, regulatorna usklađenost i pravila. Cilj pregovora je ukloniti prepreke u trgovini kako bi se olakšala kupovina i prodaja roba i usluga između EU-a i SAD-a. U pregovore su uključeni i predstavnici interesno-utjecajnih skupina koji dolaze iz područja akademske zajednice, sindikata, predstavnika privatnog sektora i nevladinih organizacija. ; The subjects of this diploma thesis are the characteristics of European foreign trade to the USA. The work consists of six mutually related parts, which, except introduction and conclusion, explain the trade policies of the European Union and the USA. The trade policies of the European Union are described with several examples of signed agreements between the European Union and other states. The new trade strategy of the European Commission, which is currently being applied in Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations, has also been described. On-going cooperation between the European Union and the United States of America has been represented and systematized. This includes import and export of products, services and investments between the European Union and the United States. The TTIP negotiations between the European Union and the United States of America have started in July 2013, and so far there have been thirteen rounds of negotiations completed. The TTIP negotiations are being held in three parts: the market access, regulatory cooperation and rules. The aim of the negotiations is the removal of obstacles within trade in order to facilitate purchasing and selling of goods and services between the EU and the USA. Various representatives of interest and influence realms of academia, unions, the private sector and non-government organisations are all participating in the negotiations.

Previše je komentatora koji krivnju za zločin povezuju s drogom. Da, oni su uistinu povezani, ali smjer uzrokovanja ide gotovo suprotno. Radi se o tome da zabrana supstanci koje uzrokoju ovisnost vodi do zločinačkog ponašanja, a ne obrnuto. Ukoliko želimo sigurnost povezanu s drogom, utoliko je legalizacija preferentno rješenje za javnu politiku. ; All too many commentators blame crime on drugs. Yes, the two are indeed correlated, but the direction of causation is almost entirely in the opposite direction. It is the prohibition of addictive substances that leads to criminal behavior, not the other way around. If we want drug safety, legalization is the preferred public policy solution.

U radu autorica progovara o uspješnosti provedbe demilitarizacije unutar uspostavljenih mirovnih operacija Ujedinjenih naroda na okupiranom području istočne Slavonije u razdoblju od 1992. do 1995. Analizom neobjavljene arhivske dokumentacije, objavljenih arhivskih izvora, onodobne periodike i recentne znanstvene literature možemo zaključiti kako najvažnija mandatna zadaća dogovorena Vanceovim planom nije uspješno provedena. Kao glavni razlozi konačne ocjene o neuspješnosti demilitarizacije izdvajaju se opetovana nesuradnja i provođenje politike opstrukcije krajinskih Srba, nepripremljenost i nemoć razmještenih mirovnih snaga te stalno kršenje vojne nepristranosti i političke neutralnosti, prvenstveno ruskog bataljuna. Okupirano istočnoslavonsko područje 1992. ulazi u sastav Zaštićenih zona Ujedinjenih naroda pod nazivom Sektor Istok, a nadzor sektora i provođenje dogovorenih zadaća pripao je ruskom i belgijsko – luksemburškom bataljunu mirovnih snaga Ujedinjenih naroda. Mandatna zadaća demilitarizacije bila je prvi i najvažniji preduvjet za stabilizaciju stanja na navedenom području te za ispunjenje ostalih dogovorenih zadaća, drugim riječima, za konačnu uspješnost cjelokupne mirovne misije. Međutim, već sam pokušaj provedbe demilitarizacije razotkrio je svu nemoć mirovnih snaga kao i krajnji cilj krajinskih Srba uz potporu snaga Jugoslavenske narodne armije – izigravanje postignutog dogovora o demilitarizaciji. Uslijedio je neuspjeh mirovnih snaga u izvršenju prve i najvažnije zadaće što je rezultiralo kaotičnom sigurnosnom situacijom u istočnom sektoru u promatranom razdoblju te nepromijenjenim stanjem na okupiranom području, a na kraju i konačnim neuspjehom mirovnih operacija u istočnoj Slavoniji. ; In this paper the author speaks of how successfully the demilitarization was implemented within the peace operations of the United Nations in the occupied territory of Eastern Slavonia in the period from 1992 into 1995. From a consideration of the analysis of unpublished archival documents, published archival sources, the newspapers of the time and recent scholarly literature, the conclusion can be drawn that implementation of the most significant mandatory assignment stipulated by the Vance plan was not successful. The main reasons why the demilitarisation can be considered unsuccessful were perpetual lack of cooperation, the obstruction policy of the Krajina Serbs, the unpreparedness and the incapacity of the peacekeeping forces deployed as well as the constant violation of military impartiality and political neutrality, particularly that of the Russian Battalion. The occupied Eastern Slavonian area became part of the United Nations Safe Areas in 1992 as Sector East; the Russian and the Belgian-Luxemburg Battalion of the United Nations peacekeeping forces were charged with the supervision of the sector and the implementation of the agreed assignments. The mandatory assignment to demilitarize was the first and most significant precondition for the stabilization of the area and the fulfilment of other assignments agreed upon, in other words, for the success of the entire peacekeeping mission. However, the attempt to implement the demilitarization revealed the incapacity of the peacekeeping forces as well as the main objective of the Krajina Serbs supported by the Yugoslav People's Army – to circumvent the demilitarization agreement. The peacekeeping forces failed to fulfil their main and most important assignment; the result was a chaotic safety situation in the Eastern Sector during the time of observance, no changes in the occupied territory and eventually the failure of the peacekeeping actions in Eastern Slavonia.

Vanjska trgovima ima veliki značaj u gospodarstvu svake zemlje kroz multiplikativni efekt koji se ogleda ne samo kroz ekonomske komponente već i kroz sociokulturni razvoj. Cilj rada bio je identificirati Tursku u europskom kontekstu međunarodnih odnosa, odnosno ukazati na komparativnu i konkurentsku ulogu Turske u vanjskotrgovinskom poslovanju. Čimbenici odnosa Turske u europskom kontekstu su: demografski aspekti, sociološke i kulturološke razlike, pristupni kriteriji, ekonomski aspekti i politički izazovi. U posljednja dva desetljeća carinska unija Europske unije (EU) i Turske bila je okosnica razvoja u okviru bilateralne trgovine. U tom razdoblju Turska je postala petim glavnim trgovinskim partnerom s EU na globalnoj razini s vrijednošću bilateralne trgovine od 140 milijardi eura (2017). Slično tome, EU je najvažniji trgovinski partner Turske, koja predstavlja 41% turske globalne trgovine. Istraživanje u radu temeljeno je na analizi sekundarnih izvora podataka, a metode sinteze i deskripcije primijenjene su u interpretaciji dobivenih rezultata i formiranja zaključaka. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju kako je integracija Turske u Europsku uniju određena kako "tvrdim" ekonomskim čimbenicima korisnosti, tako i "mekanim" čimbenicima kao što su osjećaj identiteta, religije ili stavovima prema imigrantima. Iako Turska pokazuje pozitivne ekonomske trendove u europskom kontekstu, "mekani" čimbenici ipak predstavljaju osnovnu barijeru integracije. ; Foreign trade has great significance in the economy of each country through a multiplier effect reflected not only through economic components but also through socio-cultural development. The aim of the paper was to identify Turkey in the European context of international relations, that is, to highlight Turkey's comparative and competitive role in foreign trade. Factors of the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the European Union are: demographic aspects, sociological and cultural differences, access to critique, economic aspects and political challanges. In the last two decades, the EU and Turkey customs union was the cornerstone of bilateral trade. At that time, Turkey became the world's fifth largest trade with the EU on a global scale worth EUR 140 billion in 2017. Similarly, the EU is Turkey's most important trading partner, representing 41% of Turkey's global trade. The research in this paper is based on the analysis of secondary data sources, and synthesis and descriptive methods have been applied in the interpretation of the obtained results and the formation of conclusions. The results of the study show that Turkey's integration into the European Union is determined by both "hard" economic utility factors and "soft" factors such as a sense of identity, religion or attitudes towards immigrants. Although Turkey shows positive economic trends in the European context, "soft" factors still represent the primary barrier to integration. The great migration crizis that began in 2015, and continues today, has again put Turkey at the center of geopolitical interest, but also emphasized the interdependence of Turkey and the EU and the conceptualization of a new model of mutual relations.

Jedan od strateških ciljeva Europske unije (EU) u području zdravlja životinja proglašenje je cjelokupnog prostora EU slobodnim od klasične tzv. "zemaljske" bjesnoće do 2020. godine. Zahvaljujući uspješnosti oralnog cijepljenja, koje se u Europi provodi još od 1978., većina zemalja zapadne i srednje Europe slobodna je od bjesnoće još od prijelaza u 21. stoljeće. Zadnji slučaj bjesnoće u Hrvatskoj zabilježen je u proljeće 2014., nakon samo tri godine od početka provedbe nacionalnog programa oralnog cijepljenja protiv bjesnoće. Ono što nam slijedi je dobivanje službenog statusa zemlje slobodne od bjesnoće, a posljedično tome i prijelaz na novu politiku kontrole bjesnoće u zemlji. Međutim, shvaćajući bjesnoću kao globalnu prijetnju zdravlju, a posebice obzirom na prisutnost virusa u šišmiša potreban je njen stalni nadzor. ; One of the strategic goals of the European Union (EU) in the field of animal health is to declare the entire EU territory free of classical terrestrial rabies (caused by the classic rabies virus) by 2020. Thanks to the success of oral vaccination, implemented in Europe since 1978, most countries in Western and Central Europe have been free of rabies since the beginning of the 21st century. The last case of rabies in Croatia was recorded in the spring of 2014, just three years after the start of implementation of the national oral rabies vaccination programme. The logical next step is obtaining the official status of a rabies-free country, and consequently transitioning to a new rabies control policy in the country. However, understanding rabies as a global threat to health, especially given the presence of the virus in bats, constant monitoring is still needed.

Vanjska trgovima ima veliki značaj u gospodarstvu svake zemlje. Bez vanjske trgovine zemlja ne bi mogla biti konkurentna na svjetskom tržištu i ostvarivati devizna sredstva. Pitanje odnosa Turske i Europske unije kao nositelja europskog integracijskog procesa predmet je političkog i geostrateškog spora koji traje više od pedeset godina. Primarni razlozi za uporne zahtjeve Turske za priključenjem Europskoj uniji su, među ostalim, brojni Turci u Europi i važnost trgovine između njih. Turska je, međutim, također sve više razočarana široko rasprostranjenim protivljenjem njenom pristupanju među zemljama članicama EU. Čimbenici odnosa Republike Turske i Europske unije su : demografski aspekti, sociološke i kulturološke razlike, pristupni kriteriji, ekonomski aspekti i politički problemi. U posljednja dva desetljeća carinska unija EU-Turska bila je okosnica okvira bilateralne trgovine. Za to vrijeme Turska je postala petom glavnom trgovinom s EU na globalnoj razini s vrijednošću bilateralne trgovine robom od 140 milijardi eura u 2017. godini. Slično tome, EU je najvažniji trgovinski partner Turske, koja predstavlja 41% Turske globalne trgovine. ; Foreign trade has great significance in the economy of each country. Without foreign trade the country could not be competitive on the world market and realize foreign currency assets. The question of the relationship between Turkey and the European Union as the bearer of the European integration process is the subject of a political and geostrategic dispute that lasts more than fifty years. The main reasons for persistent Turkey's demands for joining the European Union are, among other things, many Turks in Europe and the importance of trade between them. Turkey, however, is also increasingly disappointed with the widespread opposition to its accession among EU member states. Factors of the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the European Union are: demographic aspects, sociological and cultural differences, access to critique, economic aspects and political ...

Vanjska trgovima ima veliki značaj u gospodarstvu svake zemlje. Bez vanjske trgovine zemlja ne bi mogla biti konkurentna na svjetskom tržištu i ostvarivati devizna sredstva. Pitanje odnosa Turske i Europske unije kao nositelja europskog integracijskog procesa predmet je političkog i geostrateškog spora koji traje više od pedeset godina. Primarni razlozi za uporne zahtjeve Turske za priključenjem Europskoj uniji su, među ostalim, brojni Turci u Europi i važnost trgovine između njih. Turska je, međutim, također sve više razočarana široko rasprostranjenim protivljenjem njenom pristupanju među zemljama članicama EU. Čimbenici odnosa Republike Turske i Europske unije su : demografski aspekti, sociološke i kulturološke razlike, pristupni kriteriji, ekonomski aspekti i politički problemi. U posljednja dva desetljeća carinska unija EU-Turska bila je okosnica okvira bilateralne trgovine. Za to vrijeme Turska je postala petom glavnom trgovinom s EU na globalnoj razini s vrijednošću bilateralne trgovine robom od 140 milijardi eura u 2017. godini. Slično tome, EU je najvažniji trgovinski partner Turske, koja predstavlja 41% Turske globalne trgovine. ; Foreign trade has great significance in the economy of each country. Without foreign trade the country could not be competitive on the world market and realize foreign currency assets. The question of the relationship between Turkey and the European Union as the bearer of the European integration process is the subject of a political and geostrategic dispute that lasts more than fifty years. The main reasons for persistent Turkey's demands for joining the European Union are, among other things, many Turks in Europe and the importance of trade between them. Turkey, however, is also increasingly disappointed with the widespread opposition to its accession among EU member states. Factors of the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the European Union are: demographic aspects, sociological and cultural differences, access to critique, economic aspects and political ...

Europska unija se politizaciji svoje plinske trgovine s Ruskom Federacijom u 21. stoljeću prilagođava hibridnim modelom, koji je mješavina različitih mjera. Kako bi spriječila ili barem ublažila rusko korištenje te trgovine u realističkoj politici moći, odgovara mjerama koje se sve više udaljuju od ekonomske, osobito slobodnotržišne, i približavaju političkoj perspektivi, jer je unošenje političkog elementa u vanjskotrgovinski odnos tražilo netržišne odgovore. Na temelju analize odgovora Europske unije na prijetnju čije je ishodište u ruskoj politizaciji plinske trgovine moguće je pratiti postupnu transformaciju liberalno- ekonomskog identiteta Europske unije u sve više geopolitički u svijetu koji postaje sve realističniji kako u energetskim pitanjima konkretno tako i u međunarodnim poslovima općenito. Europska unija je u svoju energetsku politiku uvrstila koncepte solidarnosti i suvereniteta, a visoki predstavnik za zajedničku vanjsku i sigurnosnu politiku Europske unije traži od nje da "ponovno nauči jezik moći". ; In the 21st century the European Union is adapting to the politicization of its gas trade with the Russian Federation with a hybrid model: a mixture of different measures. In order to prevent, or at least to mitigate, Russian use of gas trade in a realistic power politics, the EU is responding with measures which are digressing from the economic perspective, especially free-market one, and getting closer to the political perspective. Non-market responses have become unavoidable primarily due to bringing the political element into a foreign trade relationship. Based on the analysis of the EU's responses to the threat, which has originated from the Russian politicization of gas trade, it is possible to follow the incremental transformation of the EU liberal-economic identity into an increasingly geopolitical one in a world that is becoming increasingly realistic, both in the energy field and in international affairs in general. The European Union has included concepts of solidarity and sovereignty in its energy policy, yet according to the EU High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy, the EU has to "learn to use the language of power again".