Suchergebnisse

AS REAGANOMICS GENERATED A MASSIVE U.S. TRADE DEFICIT-WITH CORRESPONDING TRADE SURPLUSES BY MAJOR TRADING PARTNERS LIKE CANADA - PROTECTIONIST PRESSURES GREW IN THE UNITED STATES. THE REACTION OF THE CANADIAN GOVERNMENT WAS TO TRY TO CUT A DEAL WHICH WOULD SOMEHOW EXEMPT CANADA FROM THE GENERAL U.S. TREND TOWARD PROTECTIONISM. THE STRATEGY WAS BASED ON THE VIEW THAT U.S. PROTECTIONISM WAS SUCH A SERIOUS THREAT THAT IT REQUIRED AN EXTRAORDINARY RESPONSE BY CANADA, AND THAT CONCESSIONS COULD BE WRUNG OUT OF THE UNITED STATES AT A COST TOLERABLE TO CANADA. INCREDIBLY, THE DEAL INCLUDES NO AUTOMATIC EXEMPTION FOR CANADA FROM GENERALIZED U.S. PROTECTIONISM. IT HAPPENS THAT THIS PROSPECT HAS SIGNIFICANTLY LESSENED, AS THE OVERVALUED U.S. DOLLAR HAS FALLEN DECISIVELY AND THE CRASH OF 1987 HAS MADE MEMBERS OF THE U.S. CONGRESS FEARFUL OF THE CHARGE THAT PROTECTIONISM WILL BRING DOWN THE GLOBAL HOUSE OF CARDS. BUT THAT ONLY MEANS THAT CANADA, WHICH MADE MAJOR CONCESSIONS TO GET THIS DEAL, DID SO TO EVADE WHAT HAS TURNED OUT TO BE A LOWRISK THREAT.

It has been more than a decade since the European Union (EU) set standards for the international labor rights in its Free Trade Agreements (FTAs). The mentioned standards allow involvement of civil society groups via institutional channel. In particular it entails, implementation of sustainable development and trade part of the FTA through introduction and implementation of labor rights and environmental/climate protection involving Jointly established Domestic Advisory Groups (DAG).Civil society representatives, represented at DAGs are assisting the EU and its Partners / Contracting Parties in fulfilling Trade and Sustainable Development mandate. The DAGs also include stakeholders who ensure sustainable development in terms of environmental / climate / labor protection.The Joint Statements issued by the DAGs of Georgia and the EU during 2016-2019, define the level of involvement of Non-governmental organizations as well as priority issues. At the same time, this is also possible to define their role at different stages of adopting the relevant legislation as well as implementation of the policy.The article reviewed impact of Georgian civil society, namely DAGs in the implementation and management of trade and sustainable development chapter by the Georgian state as stipulated in the Association Agreement. In various countries, studies regarding civil control mechanisms in FTAs are usual practice, although in terms of Georgian context this is a novelty.On balance, since 2014 Georgia has institutionalized public control that focuses on civic control in the implementation of trade and sustainable development issues. Content analysis conducted within the study found that the role of the civil society sector is consistently emphasized and the appropriateness of their involvement is requested and considered by the parties and relevant procedural issues are present.

The report provides a comprehensive review of all existing trade agreements that include social provisions and discusses impacts for enterprises and workers.It also helps assess the challenges for arising from the multiplication of trade agreements that include different social provisions.

AbstractA new wave of regional trade negotiations have sprung up in the Asia‐Pacific region. China faces challenges and opportunities simultaneously. On the one hand, if China is excluded from major regional trade agreements, such as Trans‐Pacific Partnership, it may hurt China's future growth. On the other hand, China can utilise the opportunities of regional trade negotiations to shape the new rules of international trade from the very early stage. Regional trade negotiations are also important for China because it needs further opening up to facilitate the domestic economic reform.

The European Union has recently shifted to a trade policy that envisages a greater use of Free Trade Agreements (FTAs). In particular the EU is working on a number of new FTA initiatives. Policy statements also reiterate the EU's commitment to multilateralism in trade and to the completion of the stalled Doha Development Agenda. This paper considers the background to the shift towards a more active use of FTAs, the motivations and forces that have brought about the shift in policy, and the likely EU objectives with regard to the content of the FTAs. Unlike the US the EU has no "model FTA" to form the basis of negotiations with all partners. In assessing the outlines of the EU negotiating mandates for these new FTAs it is, however, possible to also draw on recent policy statements and the studies and reports produced on each possible new FTA. Finally, the paper discusses whether the EU can reconcile this greater emphasis on bilateral FTAs with its commitment to multilateralism in trade.