Suchergebnisse

Arbeit an der Bibliothek noch nicht eingelangt - Daten nicht geprüft ; Innsbruck, Univ., Masterarb., 2019 ; (VLID)3434768

The post-conflict setting in Colombia resulted after the signing of the peace agreement between the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the national Government at the end of 2016, faces two main problems. On one hand, the environmental degradation and the pressure over the ecosystems now exposed to the economic and socio-demographic dynamics of the country; and on the other hand, the increase of violence in rural areas characterized by the abundance of natural resources. These two problems can be linked through the complex dynamics of natural resources appropriation. Among the natural resources affecting the course of the post-conflict in Colombia, gold appears as one of the most relevant sources of violence and environmental degradation. This condition makes it crucial to understand the complex local dynamics of mining regions in order to propose alternatives for consolidating a sustaining peace. The armed groups, the state, the private companies, and traditional gold mining communities are all stakeholders involved in gold mining and the conflicts around this activity. Nevertheless, communities have been denied as a formal actor. This work aims to give voice to those communities, understanding them as a key actor for peacebuilding. This research seeks to understand the relationship between gold mining and the social-armed conflict in Colombia, to identify which are the drivers for the increasing of this activity during the post-conflict, as well as which strategies developed by traditional gold mining communities can contribute to peacebuilding. Thus, an integrative analytical framework is developed. This theoretical framework integrates 1) environmental peacebuilding to evaluate the possibilities of natural resources to becoming tools for cooperation, and 2) political ecology to clarify, from a multi-scalar approach, the socio-political context in which the conflict takes place. Hence, from a qualitative approach that involves several ethnographic methods is found that artisanal-ancestral miners and traditional miners organized to remain in their territories in a context of dispossession, have developed socio-ecological systems and natural resources management strategies relevant to implement initiatives of environmental peacebuilding that can be sustained over time and aimed to overcome the structural causes of violence and environmental degradation.

Although non‐nuclear‐weapon states have an important function to play in advancing nuclear disarmament, the academic literature lacks a comprehensive investigation on both the conceptual as well as empirical dimensions. Against such a background, the central purpose of the study is to analyse the roles of NNWS and Germany in advancing nuclear disarmament. In a first step, the project aims to establish related role concepts for NNWS. This aim is to be achieved by capturing how the roles were constructed within the expert discourse between 2007 and 2013 and by translating the characteristics found into ideal type role concepts. In a second step, the empirical role of one specific NNWS, namely Germany, is investigated. In order to do this, the study applies the concepts developed here to the proclaimed role of Germany in the 2007‐2013 timeframe as well as to its role performance in the 2012‐2015 Review Cycle of the Non‐proliferation Treaty. The research is designed in the form of a research synthesis and a case study, respectively. For the collection of data, the study relies on documents, while the data is processed using qualitative content analysis. Role theory and ideal type literature provide the theoretical, methodological and conceptual grounds for the deliberations presented. The benefits of proceeding in the manner outlined are a better conceptual and empirical understanding of the role of NNWS in general and of Germany in particular in the advancement of nuclear disarmament and aims to provide a validated tool for the systematic investigation of further empirical roles. ; Obwohl Nichtnuklearwaffenstaaten eine wichtige Funktion im Voranbringen der nuklearen Abrüstung innehaben, mangelt es der akademischen Literatur an einer umfassenden konzeptionellen wie empirischen Forschung. Vor diesem Hintergrund ist der zentrale Forschungszweck der vorliegenden Arbeit die Analyse der Rollen von Nichtnuklearwaffenstaaten und Deutschlands im Voranbringen der nuklearen Abrüstung. In einem ersten Schritt wird ein diesbezügliches Rollenkonzept für Nichtnuklearwaffenstaaten etabliert. Dies wird mittels der Erfassung von Rollenkonstrukten im Expertendiskurs zwischen 2007 und 2013 und deren Übersetzung in ein idealtypisches Rollenkonzept erreicht. In einem zweiten Schritt wird die empirische Rolle des Nichtnuklearwaffenstaats Deutschland untersucht. Die Arbeit wendet dafür das entwickelte Konzept auf die proklamierte Rolle Deutschlands von 2007 bis 2013 sowie auf sein Rollenverhalten im Überprüfungszyklus des Nichtverbreitungsvertrags von 2012 bis 2015 an. Das Forschungsdesign hat die Form einer Forschungssynthese sowie einer Fallstudie. Die Datenerhebung stützt sich auf Dokumente, während die Daten selbst durch eine Qualitative Inhaltsanalyse aufgearbeitet werden. Literatur zu Rollentheorie und Ideal Typus stellen den theoretischen, methodologischen und konzeptionellen Rahmen für die hiesigen Überlegungen. Der Nutzen des skizzierten Unterfangens ist ein besseres konzeptionelles und empirisches Verständnis der Funktion von Nichtnuklearwaffenstaaten generell und Deutschland im speziellen im Vorantreiben der nuklearen Abrüstung sowie die Bereitstellung eines validierten Werkzeugs zur systematischen Erforschung weiterer empirischer Rollen.

Through two case studies, this article will explore how Norwegian news media framed the Norwegian military presence in Syria. Earlier research by the author has shown how the legal aspects of NATO's out-of-area operations have been ignored by mainstream media. In this study, emphasis will be put on self-censorship among Norwegian journalists, ignoring the fact that Norwegian special forces took part in military operations inside Syria from May 2017 to March 2018. The hypothesis based on Johan Galtung's (2002) theory of peace journalism is that mainstream media refused to see the connection between Norway's bombing of Libya and the escalation of the 'civil war' in Syria. According to legal experts, the Norwegian military presence in Syria was a violation of international law, as it supported rebel groups in armed confrontation with the Assad government, recognized by the Norwegian state through diplomatic relations. The hypothesis of the study—based on an explorative investigation of selected Norwegian news media—is that Norwegian politicians, silently supported by the media, have changed basic principles of Norwegian security policy without an open public debate. Before 1999, Norway was a loyal NATO member based on the notion that NATO was a 'defense alliance'. After the change in NATO strategy to the new out-of-area policy, Norway has in practice become a 'military tool' in the geopolitical strategy of the US. This change of policy has, to a large extent, happened without critical investigation by mainstream media. The article presents two case studies of how Norwegian media dealt with the legal issues when Norway was asked to contribute in Syria, and how the Norwegian military presence was reported by Norwegian media in the periods December 2015 to January 2016, as well as May 2017 to March 2018. ; Through two case studies, this article will explore how Norwegian news media framed the Norwegian military presence in Syria. Earlier research by the author has shown how the legal aspects of NATO's out-of-area operations have been ignored by mainstream media. In this study, emphasis will be put on self-censorship among Norwegian journalists, ignoring the fact that Norwegian special forces took part in military operations inside Syria from May 2017 to March 2018. The hypothesis based on Johan Galtung's (2002) theory of peace journalism is that mainstream media refused to see the connection between Norway's bombing of Libya and the escalation of the 'civil war' in Syria. According to legal experts, the Norwegian military presence in Syria was a violation of international law, as it supported rebel groups in armed confrontation with the Assad government, recognized by the Norwegian state through diplomatic relations. The hypothesis of the study—based on an explorative investigation of selected Norwegian news media—is that Norwegian politicians, silently supported by the media, have changed basic principles of Norwegian security policy without an open public debate. Before 1999, Norway was a loyal NATO member based on the notion that NATO was a 'defense alliance'. After the change in NATO strategy to the new out-of-area policy, Norway has in practice become a 'military tool' in the geopolitical strategy of the US. This change of policy has, to a large extent, happened without critical investigation by mainstream media. The article presents two case studies of how Norwegian media dealt with the legal issues when Norway was asked to contribute in Syria, and how the Norwegian military presence was reported by Norwegian media in the periods December 2015 to January 2016, as well as May 2017 to March 2018. ; Through two case studies, this article will explore how Norwegian news media framed the Norwegian military presence in Syria. Earlier research by the author has shown how the legal aspects of NATO's out-of-area operations have been ignored by mainstream media. In this study, emphasis will be put on self-censorship among Norwegian journalists, ignoring the fact that Norwegian special forces took part in military operations inside Syria from May 2017 to March 2018. The hypothesis based on Johan Galtung's (2002) theory of peace journalism is that mainstream media refused to see the connection between Norway's bombing of Libya and the escalation of the 'civil war' in Syria. According to legal experts, the Norwegian military presence in Syria was a violation of international law, as it supported rebel groups in armed confrontation with the Assad government, recognized by the Norwegian state through diplomatic relations. The hypothesis of the study—based on an explorative investigation of selected Norwegian news media—is that Norwegian politicians, silently supported by the media, have changed basic principles of Norwegian security policy without an open public debate. Before 1999, Norway was a loyal NATO member based on the notion that NATO was a 'defense alliance'. After the change in NATO strategy to the new out-of-area policy, Norway has in practice become a 'military tool' in the geopolitical strategy of the US. This change of policy has, to a large extent, happened without critical investigation by mainstream media. The article presents two case studies of how Norwegian media dealt with the legal issues when Norway was asked to contribute in Syria, and how the Norwegian military presence was reported by Norwegian media in the periods December 2015 to January 2016, as well as May 2017 to March 2018.

Die Arbeit stellt eine Diskussion des gesellschaftlichen Normenwandels im Kontext von internationaler Zusammenarbeit auf dem Gebiet der Transitional Justice dar. Anhand der Verurteilung von Zwangsheiraten vor dem Rote Khmer Tribunal in Kambodscha, wird die Übertragung internationaler Normen im Bereich der Gender-Gerechtigkeit auf nationaler Ebene untersucht. Es wird insbesondere nach der Art der Norm-Übertragung, dem Auslöser dafür und der Rolle des Khmer Rouge Tribunals dabei erforscht. Die Forschungsergebnisse zeigen, dass die Verurteilung von Zwangsheirat eine Lokalisierung der internationalen Gender Justice Normen darstellt. Dabei sind rechtliche Besonderheiten in der Funktionsweise des Gerichtshofs und "rechtlicher Aktivismus" von besonderer Bedeutung. Demnach sind Nachkriegsgerichte (als Normwandelkatalysatoren) maßgeblich an der Konstruktion von Vergangenheit beteiligt und stellen mächtige Akteure in der internationalen Zusammenarbeit bzw. der internationalen Politik dar.

This thesis analyses the motivation behind the Polish governments' support for American extended nuclear deterrence in Europe between 2009 and 2014. I structure my argument along three main paradigms of international relations - neorealism, utilitarian liberalism and social constructivism. The main finding is that the B61's role is strictly political and completely unrelated to the weapons' military potential. From the perspective of the Polish government, the B61 serves two main roles. First, as a means to reassure continuous American engagement in Europe in response to a trust gap towards European NATO allies. Second, as a bargaining chip versus the mightier Russian arsenal of sub-strategic nuclear weapons. Because it is not the military potential of the B61 that matters to the government of Poland, searching for substitutes that would serve as a measure of reassurance while providing practical military value added might pave a way to rethink its presence in Europe.

This thesis analyzes the decay of cooperative arms control in Europe – that is, the forms of the institutions and the reasons for decay. It applies a multi-theory approach for assessing the foreign and security policies of the United States and the Soviet Union/Russia directed at cooperative arms control in Europe between 1973 and 2014 and the related institutions. Analysis of the thesis proves that the institutional form is that of a dense regime complex, consisting of five elemental regimes. The regime complex is in decay since almost all regimes are affected by indicators of decay. The reasons behind decay are multi-dimensional and relate to the times when the regime complex gained its full shape in parallel to the first round of NATO enlargement. The current lack in functioning European security institutions makes reviving the complex an urgent but hard to accomplish task. ; Im Zentrum dieser Dissertation steht die Analyse des Verfalls "Kooperativer Rüstungskontrolle in Europe" – ihrer entsprechenden Institutionen und der Gründe des Verfalls. Die Dissertation baut auf einem multi-theoretischen Ansatz zur Untersuchung der Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik der Vereinigten Staaten und der Sowjetunion/Russischen Föderation im Hinblick auf "Kooperative Rüstungskontrolle in Europa" von 1973 bis 2014 auf. Die Analyse beweist, dass ein dichter Regimekomplex, bestehend aus fünf einzelnen Regimen, den Institution Form gibt. Der Regimekomplex befindet sich im Stadium des Verfalls, da fast alle fünf Regime Verfallsindikatoren aufweisen. Die Gründe für den Verfall sind multidimensional. Sie gehen zurück auf die Zeit als der Komplex im Zusammenhang mit der ersten Runde der NATO-Osterweiterung seine volle Form entfaltete. Das momentane Defizit an funktionierenden europäischen Sicherheitsinstitutionen lässt die Wiederbelebung des Komplexes dringlich aber schwer erreichbar erscheinen.

Despite the importance that current peacebuilding literature assigns to internal legitimacy ; we know next to nothing about the development and the negotiation of ideas in the context of an intervention: How exactly do interveners convey an image of the new political order? How do local political actors imagine the political future? What is the image they convey to their constituency? And how do converging or contradicting ideas affect the relationship between interveners and local actors and the reforms at large? Designed as a contribution to the theorization of external nation building ; this work develops a theoretical framework to observe the ongoing struggles between local and international actors over the meaning of political reforms. It proposes an understanding of political authority that is tied to processes of identity formation. The analysis draws on UNTAC produced audio- and video material ; the internal and public communication of its Information and Education Unit ; and interviews with Cambodian politicians and former members of the large scale intervention that took place in the early 90s. Based on these materials it documents the strategies of the Transitional Authority to discipline public political discourse based on their interpretation of the Paris Peace Agreements ; and the attempts of Cambodian political actors to generate political authority by confirming ; rejecting ; or re-interpreting their claims. Ideas of the new political order ; this is the central argument ; are formed as a result of this creative negotiation process.

Critics of the liberal peace paradigm call for the consideration of local realities in order to come to a more sustainable, comprehensive form of peace – which is not imposed by external actors. The "local" is generally seen as the place where bottom-up or grassroots peace is developed in contrast to the liberal peace proposed by external international agents. Whereas critical peacebuilding literature stresses the difference between the "liberal" and the "local" and acknowledges the incoherence of liberal actors, much less attention has been paid to differences and variations within the "local" sphere. Drawing on empirical research in Burundi and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) we argue that the "local" is much more complex than presumed by many critics of the liberal peace. We argue that a) the local is fragmented and actors and issues are highly contested; b) neither actors nor discourses are purely local; and c) the very idea of a coherent collective local agency is contested locally.

We have conducted interviews with women and men who are victims of collective violence in the region of West Nile in northern Uganda, by the hands either of rebels or of members of various government armies. We show the position and relevancy of their perspectives in public discourses in and about this region. Using biographical-narrative interviews and group discussions, we highlight how their voices are subdued in public discourse in which the ex-rebels present themselves as the victims of history. The interviews illustrate that the narrative interview method is of help also in this non-European research setting as it supports the interviewees to verbalize what they have suffered. The analysis of how collective violence is thematized in the interviews as well as in public discourses brings about important insights into the perspectivity and the biases of these discourses—and how they were generated. For this reason (amongst others), it is important, when analyzing the region's recent history as well as (post-) conflict figurations in general to accommodate the biographical experiences of victims of collective violence.URN: http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0114-fqs140349 ; Hemos realizado entrevistas con mujeres y hombres que son víctimas de violencia colectiva en la región occidental del Nilo en Uganda del Norte, provocada por rebeldes o por miembros de ejércitos de diversas naciones. Mostramos la posición y relevancia de sus perspectivas en discursos públicos en y sobre esta región. Utilizando entrevistas biográficas-narrativas y grupos de discusión, resaltamos cómo sus voces son sometidas en el discurso público en el que los ex rebeldes se presentan como las víctimas de la historia. Las entrevistas muestran que el método de la entrevista narrativa contribuye también en este escenario de investigación no europeo, dado que apoya a los entrevistados para verbalizar lo que han sufrido. El análisis de cómo la violencia colectiva es tematizada en las entrevistas, así como en los discursos públicos, revela ...

Under what conditions can the European Neighbourhood Policy achieve one of its main objectives: to resolve conflicts in the European Union's neighbourhood? In the spirit of Montesquieu and Monnet, the basic hypothesis of the EU is that closer economic integration encourages governments to take steps to resolve conflicts and vice versa, creating a virtuous circle of prosperity and detente. The EU has a strong motive in this, since conflicts in its neighbourhood spill-over into the EU itself. The paper identifies some factors important for success, including the existence of active facilitators of compromise, strong intraregional trade, and the prospect of accession to the EU. It concludes that the EU's Member States must give conflict resolution greater priority in the European Neighbourhood Policy and provide stronger means, larger resources and better incentives if this goal is to be realised.

Since Jean Monnet conceived the Coal and Steel Community, free trade has successfully prevented serious conflicts in Europe between democratically governed States with market economies. After six countries established the European Community, this principle has been extended successfully to its immediate neighbours, successively enlarging the European Union to its current 27 Member States. The Union's European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) has through the Union for the Mediterranean and the Eastern Partnership attempted to further political stability and economic development by liberalising trade between the EU and its neighbours as well as among these neighbours themselves. The Arab Spring initially improved the prospects for establishing political democracy and human rights in key countries. In response, the EU increased the emphasis in the ENP on supporting the democratization process in the Barcelona countries and on negotiating deep and comprehensive free trade agreements among the countries of the region as well as between each such country and the EU. Using a panel gravity model of trade, this paper estimates the potential for increased intra-regional trade among ten countries of the Southern and Eastern Mediterranean coast of the EU. It attempts to answer the following questions. Between which groups of countries (e.g., Agadir countries, key actual/former belligerent countries in the Middle East) is this potential largest? Is it anywhere sufficiently large to provide an incentive for these countries to integrate much more closely with each other and with the EU? Can the prospect of such closer integration provide sufficient economic benefits to encourage progress in democratisation in key countries and resolution of conflicts between key participating countries? Or are stronger incentives needed?

Subnational comparative research has received increasing attention as a method that is academically rigorous and offers in-depth knowledge about specific cases. However, the practical difficulties surrounding the selection of cases to be researched and compared are seldom discussed in a meaningful way in academic circles. Even though a research design may itself be very elaborate, we need significant information on the cases before we can actually decide on useful comparisons. Based on our experiences in studying how powersharing peace agreements affect the local level and why conflict dynamics often continue, we consider the following basic question: How do we actually know that a specific case suits a particular research design? The challenges we experienced in our research were twofold: first, how to conceptualize peace and identify indicators to measure the level of peacefulness; and second, how to obtain comprehensive and reliable disaggregated data on these indicators. By detailing our own experiences we hope to encourage a more open approach to the discussion of methodological challenges.

This thesis analyzes the complex relations between climate change, vulnerability, adaptation and violent conflict in northern Africa and Kenya. To grasp this complexity, the thesis combines seven studies, applying a multitude of research methods at different geographic scales and across disciplinary and cultural boundaries. The first study reviews the existing literature on climate change and conflict to identify core research challenges and questions. This research field is still in its early stage. Some studies have found a correlation between climatic conditions and conflict while others have not. The major research challenge is to collect and utilize spatiotemporal data which is able to capture local, non state conflict dynamics, and to integrate this data into the overall complexity of the research matter. To address this challenge, the thesis uses agent-centered approaches to combine the analysis of local conflict and climate data with qualitative field research. The theories, concepts and models needed to understand climate-security interactions are introduced in the second study. Here, a conceptual framework is developed for an agent-based model which is then used to discuss potential conflict constellations between the states of the Nile river basin. The third study analyzes climatic changes, vulnerability, adaptation and conflict in North Africa with a focus on Morocco. The results show that North Africa is highly vulnerable to climate change but the reasons for the vulnerability differ from state to state. Water scarcity, dependence on rain fed agriculture, population growth and corruption are challenges for adaptation to an increasingly drier climate. In Morocco, the applied climate simulation and the bio-economic model show that a shift in agricultural production from maximization to stabilization of output is recommendable. The analysis of socioeconomic, climate and conflict data shows further that Algeria, Egypt and Morocco are the countries most prone to climate change related social instabilities. The next study focuses specifically on social instabilities in northern Africa. The discussion of conflicts between farmers and herders in Mali shows that climate change contributes to these conflicts, although to a limited extent. Based on this finding and the models introduced earlier, the study develops a conceptual framework which can be used to explore other farmer-herder conflicts. The last three studies focus on climate change and violent inter pastoral conflicts in Kenya. Over a period of five months the author has lived in arid northwestern Kenya with the two pastoral groups, Turkana and Pokot, to analyze their violent conflicts over water, land and livestock. A variety of qualitative research methods including interviews with community members (e.g. pastoralists, elders, women, youth) and experts, focus group discussions and participating observations was applied. The conflicts are closely related to violent livestock thefts, termed "raiding". The identified motives for the raiding range from drought and poverty to payment of dowry and the expansion of territory. Other factors contributing to conflict include political and socioeconomical marginalization, commercialization of raiding and the availability of automatic small arms. Based on the analysis of climate data and a unique record of raiding incidences, a hypothesis is developed which could explain the relation between raiding during drought and during rainy periods. Climate projections suggest a warmer, overall wetter but less predictable and reliable climate for Kenya. This is likely to increase difficulties for pastoralists to utilize pasture and water resources. Additionally, the pastoral livelihoods are under pressure from the effects of the armed conflicts. The effects are discussed in detail together with the question of what can be done to mitigate violence and to promote conflict sensitive adaptation to climate change. Several overarching conclusions can be drawn from this thesis. The complex relations between climate change and conflict can only be understood if questions of vulnerability and adaptation are answered first. The complexity of the research matter calls for an interdisciplinary multimethod approach. The international community needs to increase its efforts to limit greenhouse gas emissions to minimize the potential of climate change to act as a multiplier of security risks. Further, the international community should increase its support for conflict sensitive climate change adaptation in developing countries. In countries where pastoralism is practiced it is important for the national governments to acknowledge pastoralism as a productive livelihood which is well-adopted to the harsh climatic conditions of arid and semi arid lands. This implies to respect traditional institutions, to integrate them into national policies, and to ensure safe and free pastoral mobility. ; Diese Doktorarbeit untersucht die komplexen Zusammenhänge zwischen Klimawandel, Verwundbarkeit (Vulnerabilität), Anpassung (Adaption) und gewalttätigen Konflikten im nördlichen Afrika und Kenia. Um der Gesamtkomplexität gerecht zu werden, verbindet die Untersuchung sieben Studien, in denen eine Vielzahl von Methoden auf verschiedenen geographischen Ebenen und über disziplinäre und kulturelle Grenzen hinweg zum Einsatz kommt. Die erste Studie gibt einen Überblick über die Klimawandel- und Konfliktliteratur um daraufhin zentrale Herausforderungen und Forschungsfragen zu identifizieren. Die Forschung befindet sich noch in einem frühen Stadium. Einige Studien haben einen Zusammenhang zwischen klimatischen Bedingungen und Konflikten gefunden während andere Studien dies nicht konnten. Die wesentliche Herausforderung der Forschung besteht darin, Datenquellen zu erschließen, die in der Lage sind lokale, nichtstaatliche Konfliktdynamiken raumzeitlich zu erfassen und diese in die Gesamtkomplexität der Thematik einzubetten. Dies wird in der vorliegenden Doktorarbeit versucht indem die Analyse von substaatlichen Konflikt- und Klimadaten unter Verwendung von akteurszentrierten Ansätzen mit qualitativer Feldforschung verbunden wird. Hierzu werden in der zweiten Studie zunächst die Theorien, Konzepte und Modelle eingeführt, die nötig sind um Beziehungen zwischen Klima und Sicherheit zu verstehen. Ein konzeptioneller Rahmen wird entwickelt als Grundlage für ein agentenbasiertes Modell, mit dessen Hilfe dann potentielle Konfliktkonstellation zwischen Anrainerstaaten des Nilbeckens diskutiert werden. Die dritte Studie untersucht klimatische Veränderungen, Vulnerabilität, Adaption und Konflikte in Nordafrika mit Fokus auf Marokko. Es zeigt sich, dass Nordafrika dem Klimawandel gegenüber sehr verwundbar ist. Wasserknappheit, Abhängigkeit von niederschlagsbasierter Landwirtschaft, Bevölkerungswachstum und Korruption stellen generelle Herausforderungen für die Anpassung an ein trockener werdendes Klima dar. In Marokko zeigen Klimasimulationen und ein bio-ökonomisches Modell, dass es empfehlenswert ist, die Primärproduktion der Landwirtschaft von Ertragsmaximierung hin zu Ertragsstabilisierung neu auszurichten. Die darauffolgende Studie zeigt, dass der Klimawandel in Konflikten zwischen Bauern und nomadischen Viehhaltern (Pastoralisten) in Mali eine begrenzt konfliktverstärkende Rolle spielt. Aufbauend auf dieser Feststellung und den zuvor eingeführten Modellen entwickelt die Studie einen Konzeptrahmen. Die letzten drei Studien beschäftigen sich mit Klimawandel und Konflikten zwischen Pastoralisten in Kenia. Über einen Zeitraum von fünf Monaten hat der Autor im ariden Nordwesten Kenias mit zwei Gruppen von Pastoralisten, den Turkana und den Pokot gelebt, um die gewalttätigen Konflikte der Gruppen um Wasser, Land und Vieh zu untersuchen. Die Konflikte stehen in engem Zusammenhang mit gewalttätigen Viehdiebstählen, dem so genannten "raiding". Die Motive des raidings reichen von Dürre und Armut über Zahlung von Brautsteuer bis hin zu territorialer Erweiterung. Weitere Konfliktfaktoren sind politische und sozioökonomische Marginalisierung, Kommerzialisierung des raidings und die weite Verfügbarkeit von automatischen Handfeuerwaffen. Gestützt auf Klima- und Konfliktdaten wird eine Hypothese entwickelt, die den Zusammenhang zwischen raiding während Trockenphasen und während Regenzeiten erklären könnte. Klimaprojektionen deuten auf ein wärmeres, insgesamt regenreicheres aber weniger zuverlässiges und vorhersehbares Klima in Kenia hin. Dies wird es Pastoralisten wahrscheinlich erschweren Wasser- und Weideressourcen zu nutzen. Zudem gerät die Lebensgrundlage der Pastoralisten durch die Auswirkungen der bewaffneten Konflikte unter Druck. Die Konfliktauswirkungen werden genauer diskutiert, zusammen mit der Frage was getan werden kann, um die Gewalt zu verringern und eine konfliktsensitive Klimaanpassung zu fördern. Einige Punkte von genereller Bedeutung gehen aus der Doktorarbeit hervor. Die komplexen Zusammenhänge zwischen Klimawandel und Konflikt können nur verstanden werden, wenn zuvor Fragen der Vulnerabilität und Adaption beantwortet werden. Die internationale Gemeinschaft muss ihre Bemühungen verstärken, den Ausstoß von Treibhausgasen zu begrenzen, um das Potential des Klimawandels zu reduzieren als Multiplikator von Sicherheitsrisiken zu wirken. Weiter sollte die internationale Gemeinschaft konfliktsensitive Klimaanpassung in Entwicklungsländern unterstützen. In Ländern, in denen Wanderviehwirtschaft betrieben wird, ist es für die nationalen Regierungen wichtig, Pastoralismus als produktive Lebensgrundlage anzuerkennen. Dies bedeutet vor allem traditionelle und lokale Institutionen zu respektieren, sie in nationale Politiken zu integrieren und den Pastoralisten und ihren Viehherden sichere Bewegungsfreiheit zu ermöglichen.

This working paper explores the changing roles of Diasporas in post-conflict Burundi in terms of contributing to development, reconciliation and peace building. Burundi is in a state of post-conflict recovery after decades of civil war and widespread ethnic violence. Due to repressive regimes and to extensive violence, a large proportion of the country's Hutu population left the country to take refuge in neighbouring countries or in Europe and North America where they involved themselves in political activities. The evolving new situation with better security has led to a diversification of Diaspora engagements. First, it is now possible for members of the Diaspora to invest in the country, either with the prospect of returning in the future or simply to make a profit. Second, the Diaspora is increasingly involved in development projects. A third area of Diaspora engagement after conflict is the return or circulation of "brains". In this working paper, we explore the various initiatives that have been taken by various actors in order to try to engage the Diaspora in peace building and development. Such initiatives are taken at all levels from local grassroots and individual entrepreneurs to states and international organizations. They include private and public sectors and may be initiated both inside Burundi and among the Diaspora. The paper demonstrates that it is a great challenge for the conflict-generated Diaspora to redefine its role from being in political opposition to the home country to being part of the development process. We argue that the Burundian Diaspora is very heterogeneous and that the various 'Diasporas' react differently to the new situation. Furthermore, we argue that the initiatives to engage the Diaspora are precarious and not always in tune with the needs and preoccupations of a conflict-generated Diaspora. In particular, the majority of initiatives lack awareness about the political engagement and identity of Burundians in exile, thus often alienating them from the process.