Public health, like politics, is the art of the possible. To maximize effectiveness, public health officers in any jurisdiction should (1) get good data and ensure timely and effective dissemination; (2) prioritize and tackle more difficult initiatives first; (3) find, fight, and win winnable battles in areas where progress is possible but not ensured without focused, strategic effort; (4) support and hire great people and protect them so they can do their jobs; (5) address communicable diseases and environmental health effectively; (6) do not cede the clinical realm—public health programs depend on clinical care and on effective coordination between health care and public health; (7) learn and manage the budget cycle; (8) manage the context; (9) never surprise their boss; and (10) follow core principles.
Video game accessibility may not seem of significance to some, and it may sound trivial to anyone who does not play video games. This assumption is false. With the digitalization of our culture, video games are an ever increasing part of our life. They contribute to peer to peer interactions, education, music and the arts. A video game can be created by hundreds of musicians and artists, and they can have production budgets that exceed modern blockbuster films. Inaccessible video games are analogous to movie theaters without closed captioning or accessible facilities. The movement to have accessible video games is small, unorganized and misdirected. Just like the other battles to make society accessible were accomplished through legislation and law, the battle for video game accessibility must be focused toward the law and not the market.
This report examines and compares the greenhouse gas emissions of alternative first-generation and second-generation biofuel production pathways. The emissions balance analysed include greenhouse gas emissions from cultivation, land use change, processing and transport of biofuels. The biofuel production pathways reviewed are: -Biodiesel from palm oil in Indonesia, -Biodiesel from jatropha in South Africa and Mexico, -Bioethanol from sugar cane in South Africa, Mexico and Indonesia, -Bioethanol from wood in South Africa and Mexico, -Fischer-Tropsch diesel from wood in South Africa and Mexico Most calculations are undertaken using a tool developed by the BioGrace project funded by the European Union. For land use change emissions, three default values based on results from the partial equilibrium Global Biomass Optimisation Model (GLOBIOM) are used. An allocation of greenhouse gas emissions to the biofuel and its co-products is done by using the energy allocation method. The results show that wherever a land use change default value for non-wood feedstocks is used, this value dominates by far all other emission sources. Default land use change emissions for pathways using wood as feedstock are minor (short rotation coppice) or negative (wood from existing forests). However, woody feedstocks require second-generation conversion technologies. The least emission intensive first-generation pathways are bioethanol from sugar cane in Mexico and Indonesia due to the high productivity of sugar cane and the simple conversion process. Due to the limited country-specific database, a differentiation between countries or regions could not clearly be made. Differentiation can rather be done for the importance of particular factors such as feedstock productivity in conjunction with fertiliser use, allocation of co-products or the energy demand of specific conversion technologies.
A recent paper by Searchinger highlighted that Annex-1 nations do not count CO2 emissions due to combustion of biomass in their commitments. This is because it is assumed that emissions from use of biomass are accounted for in the land use sector, where they should appear as reductions in carbon stocks. However, if the biomass comes from a non-Annex 1 country, these reductions are not counted within the Kyoto Protocol. Indeed, even Annex 1 countries do not necessarily fully account for carbon stock losses associated with bioenergy. This results in overestimating the mitigation benefits of bioenergy. - The problem can be rectified by modifying the accounting system, adopting new policy measures or a combination of both. In the paper, we describe possible options and policy measures to improve the accounting of emissions from bioenergy. The pros and cons of the identified solutions are also discussed.
Is there a valid argument for international cooperation, and some form of international governance structure, in the international monetary realm? On the purely economic front, the argument is not strong. Yet a broader political economy approach concludes that national currency policy can in fact impose non-pecuniary externalities on partner nations. This is especially the case with major policy-driven misalignments, which cannot easily be countered by other governments. For example, one country's substantially depreciated currency can provoke powerful protectionist pressures in its trading partners, so that exchange rate policy spills over into trade policy in potentially damaging ways. Inasmuch as one government's policies create these sorts of costs for other countries, and for the world economy as a whole, there is a case for global governance. This might include some institutionalized mechanism to monitor and publicize substantial currency misalignments. While there appears to be little global political attention to such a mechanism now, there have been initiatives along these lines at the regional level, and the current crisis may have stimulated more general stirrings of interest.
Is there a valid argument for international cooperation, and some form of international governance structure, in the international monetary realm? On the purely economic front, the argument is not strong. Yet a broader political economy approach concludes that national currency policy can in fact impose non-pecuniary externalities on partner nations. This is especially the case with major policy-driven misalignments, which cannot easily be countered by other governments. For example, one country's substantially depreciated currency can provoke powerful protectionist pressures in its trading partners, so that exchange rate policy spills over into trade policy in potentially damaging ways. Inasmuch as one government's policies create these sorts of costs for other countries, and for the world economy as a whole, there is a case for global governance. This might include some institutionalized mechanism to monitor and publicize substantial currency misalignments. While there appears to be little global political attention to such a mechanism now, there have been initiatives along these lines at the regional level, and there are some early stirrings of interest more generally.
To inform New York City's (NYC's) tobacco control program, we identified the neighborhoods with the highest smoking rates, estimated the burden of second-band smoke exposure, assessed the early response to state taxation, and examined cessation practices. We used a stratified random design to conduct a digit-dialed telephone survey in 2002 among 9,674 New York City adults. Our main outcome measures included prevalence of cigarette smoking, exposure to second-hand smoke, the response of smokers to state tax increases, and cessation practices. Even after controlling for sociodemographic factors (age, racelethnicity, income, education, marital status, employment status, and foreign-born status) smoking rates were highest in Central Harlem and in the South Bronx. Sixteen percent of nonsmokers reported frequent exposure to second-hand smoke at home or in a workplace. Among smokers with a child with asthma, only 33% reported having a no-smoking policy in their homes. More than one fifth of smokers reported reducing the number of cigarettes they smoked in response to the state tax increase. Of current smokers who tried to quit, 65% used no cessation aid. These data were used to inform New York City's smoke-free legislation, taxation, public education, and a free nicotine patch give-away program. In conclusion, large, local surveys can provide essential data to effectively advocate for, plan, implement, and evaluate a comprehensive tobacco control program.
This paper studies Latin American exchange rate regimes since 1960. We model government exchange rate regime choice, constrained by politics. The model implies that the larger the tradable sectors exposed to international competition, the less likely is the maintenance of a fixed exchange rate regime. It also implies that the probability of the maintenance of a fixed exchange rate increases as an election approaches. We evaluate these implications with hazard models to analyze the duration dependence of Latin American exchange rate arrangements from 1960 to 1994. We find substantial empirical evidence to support the model. Results are robust to the inclusion of a variety of other economic and political variables, to different time and country samples, and to different definitions of regime arrangement. Controlling for economic factors, a one percentage point increase in the size of the manufacturing sector is associated with a reduction of six months in the longevity of a country?s currency peg. An impending election increases the conditional likelihood of staying on a peg by about 8 percent, while the aftershock of an election conversely increases the conditional probability of going off a peg by 4 percent.
Since 1983, war in Nicaragua has slowed improvements in health which had developed rapidly from 1979-82. The rate of war-related deaths among Nicaraguans now exceeds that of the United States citizens in either the Vietnam War or World War II. Forty-two of the 84 documented war-related casualties among Nicaraguan health workers have been deaths. This high case fatality rate reflects the targeting of health workers by contra troops. The number of staff and services of the public medical system decreased by approximately 10 per cent from 1983 to 1985. Population movements, the establishment of new settlements, and war-related destruction of the primary health infrastructure are associated with recent epidemics of malaria, dengue, measles, and leishmaniasis. The estimated rate of infant mortality in Nicaragua, which had declined from 120 per 1,000 in 1978 to 76/1,000 live births in 1983, has since shown no further decline. Internationally mandated protections enjoyed by civilians and health workers during times of war do not appear to operate in this so-called "low intensity" conflict. Further declines in infant mortality, prevention of epidemics, and improvement in other health indicators will likely await the cessation of military hostilities.
"First issued October 1966 as Committee Print for use of Committee on Government Operations, U.S. House of Representatives, 89th Congress, 2d session. Reprinted with Revised Foreword, June 1967"--Page 2 of cover. ; "Prepared by Bernard J. Frieden for the Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations." ; At head of title: Commission findings and proposals. ; Includes bibliographical references and index. ; Mode of access: Internet.
"This document is based on research and recommendations on metropolitan area problems previously published by the Commission." ; Includes bibliographical references and index. ; Mode of access: Internet.
"[Prepared by Bernard J. Frieden] submitted to the Intergovernmental Relations Subcommittee of the Committee on Government Operations by the Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations." ; At head of title: Committee print. 89th Congress, 2d session. House of Representatives. ; Mode of access: Internet.
Kolumbia w okresie ostatnich pięćdziesięciu lat doświadczyła długiej i krwawej walki politycznej, w ramach tzw. pełzającej wojny domowej. W tym okresie komunistyczna partyzantka reprezentowana przez różne ugrupowania – Ruch 19 kwietnia (M-19), Narodowa Armia Wyzwolenia (ELN) czy wreszcie Rewolucyjne Siły Zbrojne Kolumbii (FARC), wielokrotnie próbowały obalić demokratycznie wybrany rząd, stosując brutalne metody walki, takie jak porwania dla okupu czy wymuszenia. Zamach terrorystyczny na Centrum Handlu Światowego we wrześniu 2001 roku był dodatkowym wzmocnieniem dla tych organizacji w ich krwawej walce z rządem. Autor charakteryzuje związane z atakiem na WTC konsekwencje dla bezpieczeństwa Kolumbii, wykorzystując dorobek Clausweitza czy Che Guevary. W zakończeniu wskazuje na współpracę regionalną w dziedzinie bezpieczeństwa jako jedną z metod walki z terroryzmem. ; Colombia has experienced a long and difficult political struggle for over 50 years. During this time, communist guerrillas such as the 19th April movement (M-19), the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), the National Liberation Army (ELN), and the Popular Liberation Army (EPL) have sought to overthrow the government of Colombia and have engaged in illicit activities such as kidnappings and extortion to finance their operations. During the 1990s, these groups became involved in the cocaine trade, and engaged in drug trafficking which significantly increased their financial revenue, access to weapons, and the overall size in terms of membership. As these organizations witnessed the tragic events of September 11, 2001 take place in New York City and in other locations in the United States, they became emboldened and began to envision themselves overthrowing and defeating the government of Colombia. Through Al-Qaeda's example, armed groups in Colombia imagined themselves as the biblical character David, who defeated the giant Goliath with a sling and a stone. After 9/11, Transnational Criminal Organizations (TCOs) operating in Colombia began to extend their reach beyond national borders and became a major threat to national and regional security. For decades, these groups were embedded and nested with insurgent groups, right wing paramilitary groups, and other illegally armed groups involved in the nation's armed conflict. However, after the 2016 signing of the peace accord between the Colombian government and the political arm of the FARC, transnational criminal organizations now work in concert with each other, or opposing each other for control of the illegal drug industry in Colombia.19 This new criminal paradigm in Colombia is, in many ways, far more complex than the construct in place prior to 2016, and has created new security challenges for the government. ; Kolumbien ist seit mehr als 50 Jahren in einen langen und schwierigen politischen Kampf verwickelt. Seitdem haben kommunistische Guerillagruppen, wie die Bewegung des 19. April (M-19), die Revolutionären Streitkräfte Kolumbiens (FARC), die nationale Befreiungsarmee (ELN) und die Volksarmee der Befreiung (EPL) versucht, die kolumbianische Regierung zu stürzen und sich zur Finanzierung ihrer Operationen illegaler Aktivitäten bedient, wie Geiselnahmen und Erpressungsversuche. In den 1990er Jahren begannen die o.g. Gruppen, sich im Kokain- und Rauschgifthandel zu betätigen, was die finanziellen Einnahmen, den Zugang zu Waffen und ihre Mitgliedszahlen stark erhöhte. Als die Guerilla- Formationen Zeuge der tragischen Ereignisse am 11. September 2001 in New York City und andernorts in den Vereinigten Staaten wurden, fühlten sie sich ermutigt und malten sich aus, die kolumbianische Regierung zu stürzen und zu besiegen. Nach dem Vorbild von Al-Quaida sahen sich die bewaffneten Aufständischen in Kolumbien in der Rolle des biblischen David, der den Riesen Goliath alleine mit einer Schleuder und einem Stein besiegt hatte. Nach dem 11. September begannen transnationale kriminelle Vereinigungen in Kolumbien, ihren Einflussbereich über die Staatsgrenzen hinweg auszuweiten und wurden zu einer ernsthaften Gefahr für die nationale und regionale Sicherheit. Jahrzehntelang waren diese Gruppen in Vereinigungen Aufständischer, rechte paramilitärische Gruppierungen und andere illegale bewaffnete Gruppen eingebettet, die in den bewaffneten Konflikt der Nation verwickelt waren. Nach der Unterzeichnung des Friedensabkommens im Jahr 2016 zwischen der kolumbianischen Regierung und dem politischen Arm der FARC arbeiten transnationale kriminelle Vereinigungen aktuell jedoch entweder Seite an Seite oder kämpfen um die Kontrolle über die illegale Drogenindustrie im Land. Dieses neue kriminelle Paradigma in Kolumbien ist in vielerlei Hinsicht weitaus komplizierter als das Konstrukt vor 2016 und hat neue sicherheitspolitische Herausforderungen für die Regierung zur Folge. ; В течение последних пятидесяти лет Колумбия пережила долгую и кровопролитную политическую борьбу вызванную длительной гражданской войной. В течение этого периода коммунистические партизаны, представленные различными группиров- ками, такими как Движение 19 апреля (М-19), Армия национального освобождения (ELN), или Революционные вооружённые силы Колумбии (FARC) неоднократно пы- тались свергнуть демократически избранное правительство, используя насиль- ственные методы борьбы, такие как похищение людей с целью получения выкупа или вымогательства. Атака террористов на здания Всемирного торгового центра (ВТЦ) в сентябре 2001 года стала дополнительным толчком для этих организаций в их кровавой борьбе с правительством. В статье дана характеристика последствий нападения на ВТЦ для безопасности Колумбии. В заключении рассмотрен один из методов борьбы с терроризмом, каким является региональное сотрудничество в области безопасности.
In der vorliegenden Dissertation wird untersucht, welche Determinanten die Regierungsstabilität nach Bürgerkriegen bestimmen. Als theoretische Grundlage wird ein Konfliktmodell entwickelt, welches Konflikte als Prozesse begreift. Dieses wird im Folgenden mit Legitimationstheorien und –strategien verknüpft, um eine Heuristik zu gewinnen, mit deren Hilfe es möglich ist, Legitimationsprozessen zu analysieren. Auf Grundlage dieses Konfliktmodells werden Hypothesen entwickelt, die unter Anwendung moderner bayesianischer statistischer Verfahren und mittels eines Datensatz, der alle Post-Konfliktregierungen im Zeitraum von 1946 bis 2016 vereinigt, auf ihre Plausibilität getestet werden. Zwei Arten von Indikatoren werden dabei berücksichtigt. Zunächst werden in einem ersten Schritt Faktoren in die Analyse eingebracht, die den bewaffneten Konflikt selbst beschreiben. Beispielhaft sind die Intensität, die Dauer des Konflikts, oder die Form seiner Terminierung zu nennen. In einem zweiten Schritt werden Faktoren, die die Situation nach dem Konflikt beschreiben, in die Analyse eingebunden. Die ökonomische Gesamtsituation der Bevölkerung, die Präsenz einer Friedenstruppe oder Korruption sind hier als Faktoren zu nennen. Zentrale Ergebnisse der Analyse sind, dass ein geringes Niveau von Korruption stabilisierend auf Regierungen nach Bürgerkriegen wirken. Darüber hinaus hat das Ende eines Konfliktes einen großen Einfluss. Verhandelte Enden (Friedenabkommen, Waffenstillstand) bringen die schlechteste Prognose für die Regierungsstabilität nach bewaffneten Konflikten mit sich, während klare Siege einer Seite vergleichsweise stabile Postkonfliktregierungen nach sich ziehen. Die stabilste Situation entsteht allerdings nach Prozessen der Abnutzung, wenn eine Partei verschwindet oder die Kämpfe, aus welchen Gründen auch immer, einfach abebben.
Ausgehend vom Ansatz der Conflict Transformation, der besagt, dass sich die gesamte von einem Konflikt betroffene Gesellschaft von der Führungsspitze bis zur breiten Masse verändern muss, um Frieden nachhaltig zu sichern, zeigt die vorliegende Masterarbeit am Beispiel von Ägypten und Israel, dass Frieden mehr als einen formellen Vertrag auf Regierungsebene benötigt. Die Arbeit zeichnet die wichtigsten Entwicklungen vom ersten Krieg bis zur Kooperation zwischen den beiden Staaten aus ägyptischer Perspektive nach. Diese über Jahrzehnte dauernde Transformation wurde immer wieder von Rückschlägen und neuen Spannungen unterbrochen. Nationale und regionale Entwicklungen führten jedoch zu einer Annäherung von Ägypten zu Israel in den letzten Jahrzehnten. Trotz eines neuen Levels an Kooperation unter dem derzeitigen ägyptischen Regime, zeigten frühere Regimes keine Anzeichen den Friedensprozess auch in der Gesellschaft verankern zu wollen. Dies wurde deutlich in den Ergebnissen einer qualitativen Studie mit sieben Interviews mit jungen Ägypter_innen, wo Israel zum Teil nach wie vor als Feind dargestellt wurde von einer Generation, die Jahrzehnte nach Unterzeichnen des Friedensvertrages aufwuchs. Diese tief verwurzelte Feindlichkeit, der regionale Kontext inklusive den ungelösten Nahostkonflikt und der fehlende Versuch seitens der ägyptischen Regierungen den Friedensprozess auf allen gesellschaftlichen Ebenen zu fördern sind miteinander verbunden und hindern die ägyptische Bevölkerung eine stärkere Beziehung zu Israel zu akzeptieren. Angesichts dieser externen Faktoren und bestehenden Hindernissen werden der Wille und das Handeln der ägyptischen Regierung als entscheidend für die Transformation der ägyptischen Gesellschaft betrachtet, um den Normalisierungsprozess zwischen Ägypten und Israel zu akzeptieren und schlussendlich nachhaltigen Frieden auf langfristige Sicht zu sichern. ; Based on the approach of conflict transformation, which argues that the entire affected population from the top-level to the grassroots needs to transform to achieve sustainable peace, the present Master thesis demonstrates on the example of Egypt and Israel that peace cannot be build overnight merely through a peace agreement. The thesis shows how the Egyptian-Israeli relationship moved from a stage of violent confrontation to cooperation from an Egyptian perspective. This transformation took several decades and was interrupted by backward steps and new rising tensions but due to domestic and regional developments, Egypt approached Israel in the last two decades which indicates that the Egyptian-Israeli peace is not as cold as frequently argued. Despite this new level of cooperation under the current Egyptian regime, previous regimes did not show any attempts to integrate the grassroots in the peace process. This is also reflected in the results of a qualitative research consisting of seven interviews with young Egyptians. It revealed images of Israel as being an enemy to a generation that grew up decades after the Peace Treaty was signed. This deep-rooted hostility; the embedded regional context including the unsolved Palestinian issue and Israels policy; and the lack of Egypts governments to promote the peace process on the grassroots which are related with each other formed obstacles to accept deeper relations with Israel. In face of external factors and remaining obstacles, Egypts government is considered to play an essential role in promoting the transformation of the Egyptian society to finally accept the process of normalization of relationship and to build sustainable peace in the long-term. ; Evelyn Kulmer ; Zusammenfassungen auf Deutsch und Englisch ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Masterarbeit, 2020 ; (VLID)5555738
