Suchergebnisse

The NMUH collection of Ch. Gavard's "Galerie historique de Versailles" is analyzed. Attribution of some prints of the collection is made and their origin is determined, which can be used in next studies. Retracing the collection's path in coming to the NMUH, it likely belonged to the military general and collector P. Pototskyi until the year 1926. The current state of study about "Galerie historique de Versailles's" engravings in the Palace of Versailles and in the NMUH is described, with purpose to determine what kind of the uniqueness the NMUH collection has. At the same time, for introducing into scientific circulation a new art, historical and cultural terminology is used a new method of "narrative rooms and narrative keys" that the issue of interconnection between the narrative (text) and the image allows schematically to represent. Keywords: Galerie historique de Versailles, engraving, painting, history of Western Europe, the Palace of Versailles, Charles Gavard, the National Museum of Ukrainian History, P.P.Pototskyi ; Проаналізовано гравюри "Galerie historique de Versailles" Ш. Гавара з колекції НМІУ. Зроблено атрибуцію деяких гравюр даної колекції та з'ясовано їхнє походження. Досліджено шлях надходження колекції до НМІУ, яка, імовірно, до 1926р. належала військовому і колекціонеру П.Потоцькому. Охарактеризовано сучасний стан опрацювання гравюр "Galerie historique de Versailles" як у французькому музеї Версальського палацу, так і в НМІУ, для визначення, в чому полягає унікальність колекції останнього. В той же час, для введення в науковий обіг нової мистецтвознавчої та історико-культурної термінології використано новий метод "наративні кімнати та наративні ключі", який дає змогу схематично зобразити проблему взаємозв'язку тексту та зображення, наративу й образу. Ключові слова: Історична галерея Версальського палацу, гравюра, живопис, історія Західної Європи, Версальський палац, Шарль Гавар, Національний музей історії України, П.П.Потоцький

The article is devoted to the study of the battle history of the new town of Oster and the topography of its fortifications. The fortress of Oster originated in the 11th century on the bank of the river of the same name, at its confluence with the river Desna, in the 12th c. settlement already had three lines of fortifications, the remains of which remained until the mid-20th century. In the 60's 16th c. Oster Castle and the surrounding settlements were rebuilt in a new location due to the displacement of the Desna River bed. At that time, Oster was the castle of the Commonwealth on the border with the Grand Duchy of Moscow. Based on the descriptions of the 16th and 17th centuries, the author reconstructed the location of the castle of new Oster. After the town and the castle were burned down by the Muscovites in 1616, the Osterian governor Remigian Zaleski began to rebuild the settlement near the old hillfort.However, the government of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth did not support this project, and ordered the castle to be rebuilt on the site of New Oster so that the local garrison could control traffic along the Desna River. In order to attract people to the town and improve its economic status, in 1628 the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth government released the residents of new Oster from paying taxes, first for 8 years and then for another 6 years. As a result, the settlement has grown significantly. In the mid-17th century. New Oster had a castle, fortified with wooden walls and towers, and two lines of defensive fortifications around the town. Fortifications defended the city from the east, on the other hand the city had a natural protection – the Popivka and Desna rivers and Lake Desnishche.During the Russo-Ukrainian War of 1668, fortifications were built along the river Popivka, which were to defense the town from the castle occupied by Moscow soldiers. After the second partition of Poland in 1793, the western border of the Russian Empire moved much westward, so the fortress in Oster became ...

The article is devoted to the study of the battle history of the new town of Oster and the topography of its fortifications. The fortress of Oster originated in the 11th century on the bank of the river of the same name, at its confluence with the river Desna, in the 12th c. settlement already had three lines of fortifications, the remains of which remained until the mid-20th century. In the 60's 16th c. Oster Castle and the surrounding settlements were rebuilt in a new location due to the displacement of the Desna River bed. At that time, Oster was the castle of the Commonwealth on the border with the Grand Duchy of Moscow. Based on the descriptions of the 16th and 17th centuries, the author reconstructed the location of the castle of new Oster. After the town and the castle were burned down by the Muscovites in 1616, the Osterian governor Remigian Zaleski began to rebuild the settlement near the old hillfort.However, the government of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth did not support this project, and ordered the castle to be rebuilt on the site of New Oster so that the local garrison could control traffic along the Desna River. In order to attract people to the town and improve its economic status, in 1628 the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth government released the residents of new Oster from paying taxes, first for 8 years and then for another 6 years. As a result, the settlement has grown significantly. In the mid-17th century. New Oster had a castle, fortified with wooden walls and towers, and two lines of defensive fortifications around the town. Fortifications defended the city from the east, on the other hand the city had a natural protection – the Popivka and Desna rivers and Lake Desnishche.During the Russo-Ukrainian War of 1668, fortifications were built along the river Popivka, which were to defense the town from the castle occupied by Moscow soldiers. After the second partition of Poland in 1793, the western border of the Russian Empire moved much westward, so the fortress in Oster became ...

I the ea o loalizatio i a societ aical chaes occu i ieet sectos: ioatio a couicatio, a ee ecooicall, eioetall a oal a spiitual. Soe eseaches isist that aatic tus happee: liuistic, philosophical, techoloical a so o. But the ost siifica t chaes that hae lote eects occui i the cultue.This aticle aalses cocept o social aic o cultue A. Mole i the cotext cotepoa challee i ethooloical cultue. Reiewi cotepoa cultue o the poit o couicatio a techoloical aspect eseache eteies eatues o ai fiels o cultue, the ost ipotat o that is osaic chaacte o oe Cultue. Descii a i cuet flow o "essaes" A. Mole fis the ole o eia i the oatie stateies o the utue cultue.Social aical oel o cultue allows to ealize the pesece o tes o the pheoeoloical leel that fixe eolutio o cultue. I a cases A.Mol fis the iectio o utue eelopets a iiiual ites uessi the ext wol. His cofiece i the ole o kowlee a ceatie iiiuals i the oatio o ew eleets o cultue thouh ass eia eaches a loal leel. It shoul e ephasize the act that A.Mol coul pescie the aloith which the pouct o ceatie actiit ets shape a qualit that eet the equieets o ioatio chaels, poii access to aious social oups.A.Mol coul coceptuall coecte scietific p oess with the eelopet o cultue. Eucatioal poceues o the oe ha cotiute to the oatio o eleets a peseaties cultue, o the othe iole these actios i the ecooic pocesses. Pouct o etal wok, o istace, ieas ae iceasil ecoi positie chaacte alues that ca e ue soe laws o political ecoo.The stu o sciece equies aethooloical tools. Withi the cocept A.Mol ethooloical copoet hies o the peiphe. Yet sui up the eseache coul ot cicuet the ethoolo, ut applie it ol i the cotext o techic which "etilizes" a paticula fiel o actiit a is eoie i techolo.Oeall social aic cultue oel usi the tools that will iflue ce the cultue i eeal, that cotiute to its eolutio. It is oe withi ccles, paths, aloiths that ae uestoo cosues coseaties o cultue. Soe o the t to spee up o slow cultual shit. This eas that the ae o the pespectie o cosues ae oi to the ceatie selectio. It is i this eioet, cosciousl o ucosciousl opes ceatie pesoalities actiit tpe. New eleets o cultue a positie chaes i societ ae esult o thei wok.Oeall positio A.Mol coect with asolutizatio o the oppotuities a ealities o techical ieas, esults tase a the tase o its achieeets i eioet cosue cultue a the eusal seach ethooloical piciples that woul wish a ea societ cosue cultue, taslate ito the lauae costuctie social theoies a oels.Howee exaeatio o ipotace o kowlee, a isuiciet Wikipeia ethooloical aspect Reseaches o ot copletel poie potetial social cocept o cultue. Keywords: couicatie a techoloical appoach, "osaic cultue», social aic o cultue. ; Проаналізовано концепцію соціодинаміки культури А. Моля в контексті сучасних зрушень методологічних досліджень культури. Визначено основні риси поля культури з позиції комунікативнотехнологічного підходу за А. Молем, серед яких найбільш важливою є її "мозаїчний" характер. Простежено у трактуванні дослідника, яку роль відіграють масмедіа у формуванні стратегій майбутнього культури. Ключові слова: комунікативно-технологічний підхід, "мозаїчна культура", соціодинаміка культури.

The article analyses the course and circumstances of the negotiations with local Nazi administration representatives which were conducted by UPA Bogun Detachment Сommander Porfyriy Antoniuk, alias Sosenko, Klishch. The main thesis of the article is that the negotiations themselves were not the reason due to which Sosenko was executed. Only because the Soviet government learned about Sosenko's connections with German administration and widely used this fact in its anti-UPA propaganda the UPA-North Group Command decided to sentence Sosenko to death as a demonstration.Contacts with UPA were initiated by the German side, who captured two insurgents from detachment as prisoners. There were three rounds of negotiations during December 1943 which took place in the rural area to the north of the Volodymyr-Volynskyi (German name Wladimir-Wolynsk). Ustilug Kreislandwirt Osten and Wladimir-Wolynsk Gebitslandwirt Ekhof offered to release prisoners and UPA in exchange should not prevent the occupiers from drawing food supplies from the countryside and stop diversions on railroads. On the other hand, Porfyriy Antoniuk in the capacity of the detachment commander issued demands for Nazi troops not to shell UPA units and Ukrainian villages near railway lines, not to persecute UPA soldiers' families, not to support Polish guerillas, and release Ukrainian prisoners.Both sides did not reach any agreement on the terms they issued to each other. Moreover, Sosenko himself did not attend the last, third, round of talks due to the restriction of the Volhynia Oblast Security Service of the Resistance. Despite Gebitslandwirt Ekhof's suggestions, the UPA side ceased all connection with Wladimir-Wolynsk Gebiet administration.But later the Soviet government used information about talks to discredit Ukrainian insurgents as "Nazi collaborators". In late January, 1944 the Soviet partisans defeated the Bogun Detachment and captured documents containing data about the contact with Germans. Nikita Khrushchev publicly stressed on Antoniuk's negotiations with Osten in the Soviet leaflet To so called UPA and UNRA participants (February, 12 1944) and his report on the 4th parliamentary session of the Supreme Soviet of the UkSSR (March, 1 1944). As a result, information about negotiations was widely disseminated throughout the republic.To avoid reputation losses the UPA North Group Command decided to court-martial Sosenko and executed him on March, 7 1944. This was an extraordinary measure due to aggravating circumstance, because it was not usually applied to such cases as negotiationswith Germans.So in this article I proved that negotiations between UPA Bogun Detachment and Kreisgebiet Wladimir-Wolynsk occupational administration in December 1943 were started by the German side. The insurgent command in the person of Porfyriy Antoniuk, alias Sosenko, Klishch, wanted to have the Ukrainian prisoners released and to protect the local Ukrainian population from the invaders' terror. But the talks deadlocked and Antoniuk did not have any further connections with Nazis. Neither was signed any agreement between UPA and Germans. Although, the Soviet authorities learned about the negotiations and used this information to discredit UPA as "Nazi collaborators" throughout the whole Ukraine. This was the main reason why the UPA North Group Command decided to make show trial and sentenced Antoniuk to death. ; У статті проаналізовано перебіг та обставини переговорів між представниками німецької окупаційної адміністрації Володимир-Волинського гебіту і командиром загону УПА ім. Богуна Порфирієм Антонюком у грудні 1943 р. Доведено, що ініціювала контакти саме німецька сторона. Предметом перемовин було припинення диверсій УПА на залізницях і не перешкоджання німцькій адміністрації збирати контингент в обмін на звільнення полонених повстанців і припинення терору проти цивільного населення. Проте сторони не досягли жодної угоди, а припинила переговори саме сторона УПА через заборону Служби безпеки ОУН. Радянський уряд, який пізніше дізнався про факт повстансько-німецьких переговорів, широко використав це у своїй пропаганді для дискредитації УПА як "нацистських колабораціоністів". Головна теза статті полягає в тому, що така репутаційна втрата була основною причиною засудження до страти військово-польовий судом УПА командира загону ім. Богуна П. Антонюка ("Сосенка").

City self-government is associated with German law, the most common of which was Magdeburg law. It was implemented in the cities of the Left Bank at the end of the 16th century, becoming widespread in Ukrainian cities and towns from the 14th century. The purpose of the article is to generalize and analyze the locational privileges of Polish kings to the cities of the Left Bank Ukraine, which testified the development of the institution of city self-government in the form of Magdeburg law. At the end of the 16th and the first half of the 17th centuries, Pereyaslav (Pereyaslav-Khmelnytsky), Lubny, Starodub, Chernihiv, Nizhyn, Gogoliv, Mglyn, Myrhorod, and the town of Lypove Horodyshche (Lypove village) received similar privileges. King of Poland Jan II Casimir Waza granted Magdeburg privileges to Oster and Kozelets during the military winter campaign of 1663. The methodological basis of the study is the principle of historicism. The methods are based on the principles of objectivism and scientificity. The article uses the method of analysis and synthesis, historical-typological, comparative-historical methods. The scientific novelty of the article is that for the first time the locational privileges of Polish kings to the cities of the Left Bank Ukraine, which start the European self-governing tradition, are systematized and analyzed. Conclusions: the spread of Magdeburg law in the cities of the Left Bank Ukraine took the form of several waves, but a characteristic feature of most cities is their special border status. Granting the Magdeburg law was to ensure economic development, and at the same time defence power. Royal privileges were given to cities that were in private ownership, newly established, for more active colonization of lands, as well as existing settlements. The practice of giving confirmations to Magdeburg law was widespread.

The article deals with the debatable question about the political affiliation of Nizhyn before the signing of the Truce of Deulino between the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Tsardom of Muscovy in 1618. On the basis of factual and cartographic evidence, it is proved that the claim that Nizhyn at the beginning of the XVIIth century was wrong was invented belonged to the Tsardom of Muscovy and was transferred to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth under the terms of the Treaty of Deulino. The importance of this agreement for the socio-economic development of the city is revealed. Attention is drawn to the fact that under 1514 the "History of Ruthenians or Little Russia" mentions the creation of the Nizhyn Cossack Regiment by Hetman Evstafiy (Ostafiy)Ruzhinsky. Dmitry Nikolaevich Bantysh-Kamensky in his "History of Little Russia" mentions under 1579 the creation of the eldership of Nizhyn (or Starostwo of Nizhyn). Obviously, these entities could have arisen only in the administrative system of the Polish-Lithuanian state. On the maps of the XVIIth century, on which Nizhyn was marked, it is clearly visible that the city belongs to the Kyiv Voivodeship of the Commonwealth, is on the left (southern) bank of the Oster, and the border between the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Chernigov principality runs along this river. The evidence of Polish historians that Nizhyn in the XVIth century was the property of the Polish kings. Thus, we can conclude that Nizhyn in the XVI – at the beginning of the XVIIth century was a small frontier fortress defending the possessions of Polish kings from the north. After the Polish-Moscow border was moved far to the north under the terms of the Truce of Deulino in 1618, this created an opportunity for rapid trade and economic development of the city, which already in 1625 received the right of Magdeburg Law from the Polish king Sigismund III. ; У статті розглянуто дискусійне питання про політичну приналежність Ніжина до укладення Деулінського перемир'я між Річчю Посполитою таМосковським царством у 1618 р. На підставі фактичних і картографічних свідчень доводиться помилковість поширеного в історіографії твердження про те, що Ніжин на початку ХVІІ ст. належав Московському царству і був переданий Речі Посполитій за умовами Деулінської угоди. Розкривається важливе значення цієї угоди для соціально-економічного розвитку міста.

Is aalze the place o political cultue, its theoies a cocepts i oe social a philosophical fiel o eseach. The cotet o political cultue o postiustial societ is ucoee a the ipotace o stui it i the stuctue o the attitue o iiiuals to the uli cultue. Mai attetio oes to the oe etic o political cultue i the cotext o eseachi o social philosoph o twetieth cetu. Is ealize the copaatie aalsis o the cocepts o political cultue Gaiel A. Alo a V. Lpsk usi the ethoolo o stuctual aalsis. Is ephasize the uuse scietific pote tial o theoetical eseach o V. Lpsk i social fiel o oe ioatio societ.The attetio o aalsis ocuses also o the theoetical asis o the pole. Usi eseaches o Iauel Kat, Kal Jaspes, Joha Gottie Hee, we coclue that the authos o the cuet eseach o political cultue icoectl use the phase «political cultue» as a te a as a cocept. As a esult, the sociophilosophical eai o the pheoeo is lost. So we questioe the thesis that exactl Gaiel A. Alo has opee a use the cocept o political cultue o the fist tie. Take ito accout that ost authos who stu the pheoeo o political cultue eee to aticle Gaiel A. Alo Copaatie Political Sstes (The Joual o Politics, Vol.18, No.3. Au., 1956, pp.391409) i total. The epeset the thouht o authoship as such that hae o out. Thee is o quotatio aalsis o the aticle as well as a aalsis o possile alteatie iews.Stuctual a copaatie aalsis o the eseaches o the philosophical eai o the political cultue Ukaiia authos poits out the woks o Viachesla Lpsk. Viachesla Lpsk kow wolwie as a outstai scietist, theoist, histoia a socioloist, political actiist. His scietific le ac is 25 olues. Due to political easos i Ukaie he was ae a ootte. His political ceo Viachesla Lpsk pesete i his wok Lettes to othes aes (19191926). Fo the fist tie i Ukaiia political thouht he ae teiolo o political cultue as a oa otio o political sciece. Stuctual aalsis o the eai o political cultue, which pesete Viachesla Lpsk i his wok Lettes to othes aes (19191926) as well as Gaiel A. Alo i his aticle Copaatie Political Sstes (1956) pesets a coo isio o the pole. I ost cases, the sipl coicie i uestai a applicatio o this cocept i the social a political pactice o societies i the twetieth cetu.I the lette 29 we ea «Weak wish o Ukaie a ee weake will to ipleet it as oe o the ai causes o political ihilit Ukaie. The political cultue o the atio is aieste i the esie a ailit o the top lae to use o political ceatiit ata o political sciece a political expeiece.» Recall that Gaiel A. Alo takes this iea so that ee political sste uilt ito soe schee o oietatios to political actio. As we see Gaiel A. Alo a Viachesla Lpsk talki aout oe a the sae copoet political actiities (actio, wishes). Two ieet scietists, sepaate i tie oe tha a quate cetu, eteiate i political cultue coo copoet o its stuctue. Aalsis o joit eteii copoets (aalze thei ai set) shows that efiitio o political cultue ie Viachesla Lpsk is othi ut a set o eealize cocept tes o that tie, aequate to cotets o political cultue o fist quate o the twetieth cetu. It is i this cotext the otios o the cocept o political cultue Viachesla Lpsk a Gaiel A. Alo coicie. Viachesla Lpsk otes that political sciece stui the statics a aics o social lie. Attachets to the political ceatiit ata o political sciece is political skill, political at sai Viachesla Lpsk. Such alace etwee the fist a seco a such skill to use ata o sciece o ceatiit is the asis o the pheoeo that we call political cultue. Vachesla Lpsk cleal istiuishes a easoal escies political tes a cocepts. His iea that the seach o atioal ethos o ipleetatio o iatioal wills ot allow us to use ol oe political sciece, a equies us also kowlee o political skill a political at, is actual toa. Base o the aalsis we popose the coclusio that the cocept o political cultue was itouce ito scietific ciculatio two scietists, ael Viachesla Lpsk a Gaiel A. Alo a this happee tetatiel i the fist hal o the twetieth cetu. Keywords: politics, ioatio societ, societ, philosoph, G. Alo, V. Lipiski. ; Проаналізовано місце політичної культури, її теорій і концепцій у сучасному соціально філософському полі досліджень. Розкрито розуміння змісту політичної культури постіндустріального суспільства та значення її вивчення у структурі ставлення індивідів до владної культури суспільства. Акцентовано увагу на сучасну метрику політичної культури в контексті досліджень соціальної філософії ХХ століття. Проведено порівняльний аналіз концепцій політичної культури Г. Алмонда і В. Липинського із залученням методології структурного аналізу. Наголошено на невикористаному науковому потенціалі теоретичних пошуків В. Липинського в соціополі сучасного інформаційного суспільства.Ключові слова: політика, інформаційне суспільство, соціум, філософія, Г. Алмонд, В. Липинський.