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The recent mass digitization of text data has led to a need to efficiently and effectively deal with the mountain of textual data that is generated. Digitized text is increasingly in the form of digitized data flows (Brent, 2008). Digitized data flows are non-static streams of generated content – including twitter, electronic news, etc. An oft-cited statistic is that currently 85% of all business data is in the form of text (cited in Hotho, Nürnberger & Paass, 2005). This mountain of data leads us to the question whether the labor-intensive traditional qualitative data analysis techniques are best suited for this large amount of data. Other techniques for dealing with large amounts of data may also be found wanting because those techniques remove the researcher from an immersion in the data. Both dealing with large amounts of data and allowing immersion in data are clearly desired features of any text analysis system.

Deliberative democrats claim that political deliberation among citizens increases the legitimacy of and support for democratic decision-making. The question is, however, whether deliberative democracy can realize its added value in the real world of politics where political discussion is characterized by persisting inequalities. This paper tries to contextualize the gender gap in political talk by taking into account the social (i.e., discussion networks) and political context (i.e., campaign effects) in which political debate takes place. Based on previous research we argue that women prefer to discuss politics in relatively like-minded, cohesive networks, while men prefer more confrontational networks. Moreover, we expect the gender gap to depend on the electoral context, in that the gender gap disappears in later campaign phases. These two arguments were tested and confirmed using data gathered in the Partirep Regional Election Survey in 2009. Adapted from the source document.

Atkisson, Monaghan and Brent review in 'Using Computational Techniques to Fill the Gap between Qualitative Data Analysis an Text Analytics' three methods (qualitative data analysis, content analysis and text mining) that are used in order to examine streams of digital textual materials that are increasingly accessible through the Internet.

From research subject to case; a matter of reasoning!?
From research subject to case; a matter of reasoning!?
Many researchers have a cognitive problem in connecting an abstract research theme to concrete cases. The authors demonstrate a scheme of stepwise reasoning to overcome this gap. This scheme may be helpful in choosing cases for empirical research as well as understanding the logic of case selection.

'Ow god, those snobs see us as a living laboratory again.' Participatory Internet research with Moroccan-Dutch young people
'Ow god, those snobs see us as a living laboratory again.' Participatory Internet research with Moroccan-Dutch young people
This article covers participatory Internet research strategies with Moroccan-Dutch youth. As the Internet is not a singular entity, informants were stimulated to research with the author the variety of their digital experiences by inviting them to draw an Internet map. Additionally, inviting informants to save and select instant messaging conversation transcripts enabled the collection of non-publicly accessible Internet communication. Not only do these strategies facilitate a bridging of the gap between researchers and informants, they are also useful to make informed decisions about what to include and exclude in the study of digital culture.

In spite of an approval of the financial perspectives 2007-2013 and the economic boom of the euro zone, "crisis" has not left the EU. It is installed in the institutions, but also and especially it has infected the spirits of European citizens. An article that treats the pros, cons and influences of the EU enlargement from 15 to 25 states, discussing the attitudes of single member states regarding for example immigration, the treatment of files and common questions, pluralistic votes that render difficult processes now that the Rhine-model (a BENELUX and Franco-German alliance) no longer has the upper hand. Furthermore is discussed European Parliament and Justice Court, both influenced in their functioning by the enlargement of the EU. Belgium's future role lies in seeking alliances with same-spirited member states, and to fill in the EU's delivery-gap regarding citizen demands for more justice, freedom and security, and a more uniform Europe as regards energy and foreign policy. References. O. van Zijl

Article 34 of the European Convention on Human Rights prescribes that individual applications must be directed against one of the Convention States. Consequently, private actors involved in proceedings against other private actors before domestic courts must complain about State (in)action in their application to the European Court of Human Rights. In other words, originally 'horizontal' conflicts must be 'verticalised' in order to be admissible. Although such verticalised cases make up a large portion of the Court's case law, the particular nature of these cases, as well as procedural issues that may arise in them, has not received much attention. To fill this gap, this book offers a detailed examination of verticalised cases coming before the Court. The characteristics of and the Court's approach to verticalised cases are explored by means of an in-depth analysis of four types of verticalised cases (cases related to one's surroundings; cases involving a conflict between the right to reputation and private life and the right to freedom of expression; family life cases; and employer-employee cases). On the basis of this analysis, it is argued that the Court's current approach to verticalised cases poses problems for private actors, Convention States and the Court itself. In presenting recommendations for the resolution of these problems, the book concludes with a proposal for a new approach to verticalised cases, consisting of a redesigned third-party intervention procedure.

Intro -- Voorwoord -- Inhoud -- 1 Inleiding -- 2 Dat ging mis! -- 2.1 Inleiding -- 2.2 De AWBZ en daarbinnen het PGB -- 2.3 De HSL Zuid -- 2.4 Aardgas Groningen -- 2.5 Ongeluk mortiergranaat Mali -- 2.6 De Oostvaardersplassen en het Oostvaarderswold -- 2.7 De zaak-Bart van U. -- 2.8 Grote reorganisaties bij het rijk: vallen en opstaan -- 2.8.1 Inleiding -- 2.8.2 Overzicht van reorganisaties -- 2.8.3 De verwachtingen zijn niet altijd uitgekomen -- 3 Een thermometer werkt niet bij de overheid -- 4 Wie vertelt ons wat niet goed ging? -- 4.1 Inleiding -- 4.2 De overheid zelf -- 4.3 Officiële onderzoeksinstanties -- 4.4 Ingestelde commissies -- 4.5 Adviesraden en kennisinstituten -- 4.6 Het parlement -- 4.7 De rechter -- 4.8 Internationale/supranationale organisaties -- 4.9 De media -- 5 Onderzoekscommissies, parlementaire enquêtes, adviesraden en kennisinstituten -- 5.1 Commissies -- 5.2 Parlementaire enquêtes/onderzoeken -- 5.3 De Algemene Rekenkamer -- 5.4 Adviesraden en kennisinstituten -- 5.5 Wat leert dit alles ons? -- 6 Oorzaken die eigen zijn aan de overheid -- 6.1 Inleiding -- 6.2 Het overheidssysteem: een eigenaardig maar stevig bouwwerk -- 6.3 Het politieke systeem -- 6.4 Politiek-ambtelijke verhoudingen -- 6.5 Haantje de voorste -- 7 Oorzaken die eigen zijn aan grote organisaties -- 7.1 Inleiding -- 7.2 Bureaucratie -- 7.3 Verkokering -- 7.4 Mind the gap! -- 7.5 Het is mensenwerk -- 7.6 Horen stommiteiten bij ministeries? -- 7.7 De verkeerde man op de verkeerde plaats -- 8 Waar liggen de bananenschillen? -- 8.1 Inleiding -- 8.2 Het Koninklijk Huis -- 8.3 Wat is er toch met Justitie? -- 8.4 Als het een pet op heeft, is het oppassen -- 8.5 Inspecties -- 8.6 Subsidies -- 8.7 Vastleggen van identiteit: altijd kopzorgen -- 8.8 Openbaar vervoer -- 8.9 Het gaat vaak fout op de raakvlakken -- 8.10 Terugkijkend en vooruitkijkend -- 9 Sorry!.

On 13 June 1999, elections for the regional Parliaments, the federal Parliament (both House of Representatives & Senate), & the European Parliament were held in Belgium. The % of voters casting a preferential vote at these elections was the highest ever in Belgian history. On average, 60.9% of the electorate expressed their preference for one or more candidates. Although voters have the possibility to cast a multiple preferential vote (ie, a vote for several candidates figuring on the same party list), this possibility is not used very much: a voter who cast a preferential vote only voted on average for 1.73 candidates. The further increase in preferential votes was a little surprising since strong limitations were imposed on campaign expenditures & on commercial support. Political & social factors, eg, individualism, antiparty feelings, & mediatization, seem to have had a stronger impact on preferential voting than these material limitations. The use of the preferential vote varies from one constituency to another, from Flemings to Walloons, & from one party to another. There were some notable changes: the gap between the voters of the extreme-Right Vlaams Blok & the green parties Agalev & Ecolo, who traditionally cast less preferential votes, & voters of other parties, has diminished. Another important change is the decrease of preferential voting in some constituencies in Wallonia. As for the Senate & the European Parliament, more Flemings than Walloons now cast a preferential vote. The large constituencies used for these elections seem to attract very well-known politicians & as a consequence also many preferential votes in Flanders. Despite the increase in preferential voting, the order of the list composed by the party remained in most cases decisive whether or not a candidate was elected. 20 Tables, 1 Figure. Adapted from the source document.

Since the dualization of the municipal administration in 2002, the municipal council has access to the right of local inquiry to strengthen its supervisory role. This control instrument gives the municipal council extensive control powers, such as the possibility to hear witnesses under oath. These powers are a means for the municipal council to obtain - whether or not under duress - all factual information regarding the conduct of the council and the mayor. Thus, right of local inquiry serves as a tool with which the council and the mayor can be monitored to ensure the best interest of the population. A precondition for the local right of inquiry is that the control instrument is used proportionally. There has not been much research to determine the extent to which local right of inquiry actually strengthens the supervisory role of the municipal council. This paper, aims to address this gap hence it forms the basis of the thesis. In order to answer this question, the local right of inquiry has been examined normatively and empirically. The normative study, in which the regulations of the local right of inquiry were compared with the expectations of the control instrument, shows that the summary regulation contains many bottlenecks. The consequences of these bottlenecks have been empirically investigated by (among others) examining all local inquiries up to 2019. This revealed that municipal councils rely on obtaining information through local inquiries which do not present factual information. This hinders the process of obtaining the actual on ground information. Moreover, the control instrument is only sporadically used proportionally. Another fact that came to light was that the local right of inquiry is of value for various (political) accountability relationships. This is a gross misuse as the control instrument is not intended for this purpose. In light of the summarized aforementioned findings, it has been established that the local right of inquiry does not strengthen the supervisory role of the municipal council as expected, but legal amendments can be implemented to rectify this.