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Throughout the 2000s, donor organizations successfully argued for the inclusion of men who have sex with men (msm) in the global response to HIV/AIDS. These efforts have had unintended consequences for msm and lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (lgbt) populations in sub-Saharan Africa. Focusing on Malawi and Senegal, we find that donors' emphasis on msm provided new urgency and sources of support for nascent lgbt- and msm-identified groups to organize around sexual identities and disseminate prevention strategies to their communities. These interventions increased the visibility of msm and lgbt populations in both countries; however, this new visibility also positioned msm and lgbt organizations between Western donors and political elites, contributing to political backlash against lgbt Malawians and Senegalese by the late 2000s. Further, while some msm- and lgbt-identified organizations in Malawi and Senegal ultimately expanded their activism to include lgbt rights, other HIV organizations working with msm to gain access to new donor funding did not advocate for the rights of lgbt populations. We discuss the implications of these processes for development initiatives and argue for a more expansive definition of health in HIV and development work to address a broader set of community concerns.

It is contended that gay assimilationists & queer activists have been divided since the beginnings of the gay liberation movement. An overview of the Gay Liberation Front's (GLF) sociopolitical agenda is presented. The division between gay assimilationists & queer activists is traced back to the formation Gay Activists Alliance (GAA), which split from the GLF in 1969. Whereas the GAA advocated a cautious approach to revealing gay sexuality, it is stated that the GLF perceived gay sexuality as something to be openly celebrated & a mechanism for creating solidarity. The subsequent institutionalization of the gay liberation movement, the unity created between gay & queer people by the founding of the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power, & the emergence of different voices during the 1990s that claimed to speak for the gay community are then addressed. It is argued that disagreements within the gay community over the 1998 Millennium March & the Human Rights Campaign's support for a pro-life Republican further divided gay assimilationists & queer activists. The split is ultimately perceived as the product of class division within the gay community. It is suggested that the formation of an alliance between queer & labor activists could suture this division. J. W. Parker

How do news media portray collective action involving activists who are deemed illegitimate political actors? The news media has a well-documented tendency to disparage adult activists by excluding their voices from coverage, attacking their political identities, and minimizing their collective action outcomes. However, the perceived illegitimacy of youth activists suggests they have no voices to be excluded, no political identities to be attacked, and no outcomes to minimize. This study analyzes coverage of the virginity pledge movement and gay-straight alliances in nationally circulated newspapers across two decades. Findings indicate youth activists' illegitimacy actually guaranteed youth a voice in the news media, but this came with unintended consequences. The news media used this perceived illegitimacy to undermine youth activists in three ways: (1) restricting youth voices to personal (apolitical) testimonies, (2) engaging in displaced disparagement by attacking adults and other legitimate targets, and (3) holding adults accountable for collective action outcomes.

This article focuses on the West German gay subculture and its early reactions to the HIV/AIDS epidemic. It analyses how gay men coped with an uncertain epistemological situation in which the medical, social and political status of HIV/AIDS was far from being evident, and in which the ambivalent connection of AIDS, risk and gay sexuality became the object of strong scientific and public interest. The article argues that gay men distinguished between two dimensions of AIDS risk: risky sex and risky language. On the one hand, they developed a strong awareness for the riskiness of their sexual behaviour, resulting in the will to consider AIDS as a disease of their own. On the other hand, they were irritated by the ambiguity of the public AIDS discourse. Its imagery went far beyond AIDS as a medical entity and was believed to conceal antigay politics behind medical facts. In analysing the emerging gay risk strategies, the article points out that gay activists and organisations critically adopted virological knowledge and promoted Safer Sex practices, both strategies which eventually empowered them to represent their interests within the emerging expert networks of AIDS politics since 1985/6. Central to these strategies was the attempt to disentangle a sphere of politics and morality from a sphere of the natural world of viruses, an attempt which was aimed at ending the supposed dangerous spread of antigay AIDS metaphors in the public. The article concludes in trying to interpret the HIV/AIDS controversies as reactions to the general epistemological uncertainties of "risk societies" in the late 20th century.

This article focuses on the Internet as a "digital closet" in the context of Turkish lesbian and gay activism in the 1990s and early 2000s. In its analysis of media and sexual discourse, the article first discusses traditional media, such as the printing press and television. While the printing press and political reforms during the late Ottoman Empire and the early Turkish republic silenced sexual discourses, television brought them back as part of the new gender regime and disseminated a gender "deviance" model of homosexuality. Against this background, the rest of the article analyzes the metaphor of the Internet as a digital closet as it relates to collegiate lesbian and gay activism. The conclusion reflects on the significance and functions of this media metaphor for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and transsexual agency and subjectivities in Turkey, suggesting similar venues of research regarding sexuality and the Arab Spring in the Middle East.

This article uses the notion of sexual citizenship as an analytical tool to uncover the ideology of heterosexuality underlying the assumptions in current ideas of citizenship. It highlights how this ideology, as reflected in the Canadian health care delivery model, is embedded in the Canada Health Act, as a health policy. It indicates that the process of sexualizing citizenship focuses attention on the monolithic construct of the heterosexual citizen while, paradoxically creating a space for lesbian and gay visibility within the health care arena. This visibility, however, is based on a partial citizenship, in that, the ideology of heterosexuality prevents lesbian women and gay men from exercising their full right as citizens to health provisions as guaranteed by the Canada Health Act. In this way, lesbian and gay visibility is characterized by exclusion. The notion of sexual citizenship is used as a strategy towards inclusion.

This article discusses how the issue of precarity has developed into a new catalyst for activism in Italy and demonstrates how this activism is linked to changes in the employment and capitalist manufacturing environment of the 1980s and 1990s. It links events in Italy to the activism of the global anti-neoliberal movement and discusses how various activist movements (the independent Marxist tradition, creative activism, social activism, Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT), radical feminist activism) are mobilizing around the issue of precarity. This article focuses specifically on the activist network 'Precari su Marte' (Precarious on Mars) which has been active in Turin since 2005. It demonstrates how the theoretical and practical evolution of this network has led to various outcomes, including experimenting with creative forms of political practice at MayDay demonstrations and questioning the boundaries of gender.

First, I would like to offer my thanks to Lance Compa, Richard McIntyre, and Gay Seidman for their thoughtful responses to my essay. One could not find three more accomplished scholars with whom to engage in this discussion. Each in their own way has sharpened our thinking about the relationship of labor rights to human rights—Compa through a lifetime of inspiring organizing and writing, Seidman through her eloquent defense of human rights-based labor activism, Beyond the Boycott: Labor Rights, Human Rights and Transnational Activism, and McIntyre through his sharp interrogation of this activism in Are Worker Rights Human Rights? Not only do they bring well-honed critiques to bear in discussing my argument, they are generous and fair-minded. I'm grateful to them for prodding me to clarify my thinking.