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Ng Chin Pang. ; Thesis (M.Div.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2000. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 85-91). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Acknowledgments --- p.i ; Abstract --- p.iii ; Chapter Chapter1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter2 --- Theories on Sex and the Emergence of Sexual Identity --- p.4 ; Chapter 2.1 --- "Origins and Development on the Concept of Sex in the ""Western"" World" ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- Augustine's Notion on Sexual Desire ; Chapter 2.1.2 --- Protestant Theology of Sex ; Chapter 2.1.3 --- "Emergence of ""Western"" Sexual Identity" ; Chapter 2.2 --- The Concept of Sexual Desire in China ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- The Discourse of Sexual Desire in Late Imperial China ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- Transformation of Sexual Identity in Modern China: Male Homosexuality as the Verdict ; Chapter Chapter3 --- Queer Theory- a Post-colonial Perspective --- p.38 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Postcolonial Theory as a source of Theology Discourse ; Chapter 3.1.1 --- From Colonialism to Post-colonialism ; Chapter 3.1.2 --- Building a Hybridized Sexual Ethics ; Chapter 3.2 --- Queer Theory as a Source of Theology Discourse ; Chapter 3.2.1 --- Queer Theory and Queer Politics ; Chapter 3.2.2 --- Queering the Socially Constructed Sexual Identities ; Chapter Chapter4 --- A Post-colonial Sexual Theology --- p.59 ; Chapter 4.1 --- The Modes of Discourse ; Chapter 4.1.1 --- Transgressive Metaphors ; Chapter 4.1.2 --- Hybrid Sexual Theologies ; Chapter 4.2 --- A New Framework about Sexual Desire ; Chapter 4.2.1 --- Building our Relations in Erotic Desire ; Chapter 4.2.2 --- Beyond Sexuality and Spirituality Dichotomy ; Chapter 4.3 --- Conclusion: Building an Inclusive Community ; Bibliography --- p.85

All over the world, there has been a massive resurgence in the politics of identity, including especially those forms of identity which, for a long time, were considered as negative and inimical to national unity. Today, ethnicity and religion have become major rallying points for political agitation, resulting in violent intra- and inter-state conflicts and posing direct challenges to national and regional stability as well as the post-1945 nation-state project across the world. This volume is dedicated to a discussion of various dimensions of the resurgence of identity politics in contemporary Nigeria. It is the product of a field-based research effort undertaken by a national working group which was keen to explore the origins, dimensions, and consequences of the increased spate of intra- and inter-communal conflicts within Nigeria in the context of a deep-seated national economic crisis, attempts at structural adjustment implementation, and a prolonged programme of transition from military to elected civilian rule. Such platforms of political mobilisation as ethnicity and religion, and the ways in which they combine with each other and with other variables like regional identities, are discussed along side the increase in the political significance of various aspects of youth and gender identities. In this sense, the contributions in this volume represent the first comprehensive effort to understand the dissolution and recom-position of popular political identities in contemporary Nigeria. ; Contents: 1. General Introduction. Identity Transformation and the Politics of Identity Under Crisis and Adjustment / Attahiru Jega -- 2. The State and Identity transformation Under Structural Adjustment in Nigeria / Attahiru Jega -- 3. The Transformation of Ethno-Regional Identities in Nigeria / Jibrin Ibrahim - 4. Religious Identity in the Context of Structural Adjustment in Nigeria / Ibrahim Mua'zzam and Jibrin Ibrahim -- 5. Transformation of Minority Identities in Post-Colonial Nigeria / Abdul Raufu Mustapha -- 6. National Council of Women´s Societies and the State, 1985-1993: The Use of Discourses of Womenhood by the NCWS / Charmaine Pereira -- 7. Adjustent and the Transformation of Labour Identity: What´s New and Does It Matter? / Jimi O. Adesina -- 8. The Youth, Economic Crisis and Identity Transformation: The Case of the Yandaba in Kano / Yunusa Zakari Ya'u -- 9. Youth Culture and Area Boys in Lagos / Abubakar Momoh -- 10. Structural Adjustment, Students' Movement and Popular Struggles in Nigeria, 1986-1996 / Said Adejumobi

Durante el siglo XIX se construyó una identidad homosexual particular, medicalizada y estigmatizada .En los años 60, la existencia de esa identidad fue negada por el movimiento gay aunque con su sola existencia parecía confirmar esa especificidad. En la actualidad siguen coexistiendo estos dos discursos, un discurso mayoritario que condena y estigmatiza la homosexualidad, y un discurso politizado que lucha por su normalización. El individuo que se reconoce como homosexual ha de enfrentarse, en primer lugar, a la compensación del discurso estigmatizante, lo que le será más fácil si tiene acceso a los diferentes mecanismos legitimadores. Pero, en este artículo también se consideran otros aspectos que son relevantes para la construcción de una identidad homosexual personal, subalterna o dominante, como son las formas de sociabilidad, la imagen del individuo (afeminado/viril) y su posición socio-estructural, entre otros. Por último, se considera también la dialéctica entre visibilidad y ocultación y la fragmentación existente entre los homosexuales. En consecuencia, resulta difícil hablar de la existencia de una identidad homosexual que incluya a todos los individuos. ; The stigmatized and medicalized homosexual identity was created during the 19th century. In the sixties, the existence of this identity was denied by the Gay Movement, although its negation reinforces its existence. Nowadays these two discourses still coexist, a majority that condemns and stigmatizes homosexuality and a politicized minority that supports its normalization. Persons identifying as homosexual have to contend with the stigmas reinforced by the majority, this process is easier in the presence of legitimating mechanisms. However, in this article I also consider other important questions for the construction of a dominant or secondary homosexual personal identity: forms of sociability, personal image (effeminate/virile), and socio-structural positioning, among others. Finally, I consider the dialectics between visibility and concealment and the fragmentation that exists among homosexuals. This fragmentation makes it difficult to talk about the existence of a homosexual identity which includes all the people involved. ; Grupo de Investigación Antropología y Filosofía (SEJ-126). Universidad de Granada

Preface and acknowledgements / Alejandro Lugo -- Prologue: rereading and remembering Michelle Rosaldo / Louise Lamphere -- The legacy of Michelle Rosaldo: politics and gender in modern societies / Alejandro Lugo and Bill Maurer -- Land, labor, and gender / Carol MacCormack -- Destabilizing the masculine, refocusing "gender": men and the aura of authority in Michelle Z. Rosaldo's work / Alejandro Lugo -- Sexualities and separate spheres: gender, sexual identity, and work in Dominica and beyond / Bill Maurer -- The domestic/public in Mexico City: notes on theory, social movements, and the essentializations of everyday life / Miguel Diaz Barriga -- Victorian visions / Jane F. Collier -- A (short) cultural history of Mexican machos and hombres / Matthew C. Gutmann -- Myths of the bourgeois woman: rethinking race, class, and gender / Christine E. Gray -- The use and abuse of feminist theory: fear, dust, commensality / Ana Maria Alonso. ; Mode of access: Internet.

In the intimate context of domestic service, power relations take on one of their most personalized forms. Domestic servants and their employers must formulate their political identities in relationship to each other, sometimes reinforcing and sometimes challenging broader social hierarchies such as those based on class, caste or rank, gender, race and ethnicity, nationality, sexual orientation, and kinship relations. This pathbreaking collection builds on recent examinations of identity in the postcolonial states of South and Southeast Asia by investigating the ways in which domestic workers and their employers come to know and depict one another and themselves through their interactions inside and outside of the home. This setting provides a particularly apt arena for examining the daily negotiations of power and hegemony. Contributors to the volume provide rich ethnographic analyses that avoid a narrow focus on either workers or employers. Rather, they examine systems of power through specific topics that range from the notion of "nurture for sale" to the roles of morality and humor in the negotiation of hierarchy and the dilemmas faced by foreign employers who find themselves in life-and-death dependence on their servants. With its provocative theoretical and ethnographic contributions to current debates, this collection will be of interest to scholars in Asian studies, women's studies, anthropology, sociology, and cultural studies. ; https://ecommons.luc.edu/facultybooks/1190/thumbnail.jpg

The aim of this paper is to revise some of the controversies around the meaning of gender. To do this I am going, first of all, to focus on its birth in Beauvoir's philosophy, 50 years ago. Secondly, to remember, briefly, some of the formulations in the 70's. Thirdly, to take notice of some of the most remarkable criticisms to the distinction sex/gender during the last decades. Fourthly, to remark that the challenge of plurality have undermined the mentioned concept. And, finally, to refer a new way of conceptualizing it, due to Iris Marion Young, that promises to avoid the paradoxes of dealing with the puzzles of "identity politics" and "difference politics". We can rescue the meaning of being women, in the sense of a collective, and also the imperative of solidarity, dis-connecting gender of identity. The alternative is to think it as a social position. ; El objetivo de este trabajo ha sido revisar algunas de las controversias acerca del significado de la categoría "género". Tras arrancar de su nacimiento en la filosofía de Beauvoir transitamos por algunas de sus formulaciones en los años setenta y por las críticas severas que recibió la distinción sexo/género durante los ochenta y noventa desde distintas versiones de la teoría feminista. El reto de la pluralidad parecía erosionar la generalidad y utilidad del concepto. No obstante, una nueva forma de reconceptualizarlo, debido a Iris Marion Young, puede ayudarnos a resolver algunas de las paradojas en las que nos ha enredado la política de la identidad y de las diferencias. Podemos rescatar el significado colectivo del ser mujeres, y no abdicar de la exigencia de la solidaridad, si "desconectamos" género e identidad y pasamos a entenderlo como mera posición social.

Dealing with cultural action and associative intervention of Luso-African youth in Portugal, I will draw some hypothesis about young women participation within the associative movement. I first describe the social and political framework that set the emergence of the immigrants' associative movement in order to focus on the ethnic mobilisation of Luso-African youth, linking cultural identity to their strategies of political participation (a concept used in a broader sense). ; Partiendo de la acción cultural del asociacionismo de los jóvenes luso-africanos en Portugal, formularé algunas hipótesis sobre la participación de las jóvenes en el movimiento asociativo. Describiré primero el marco sociopolítico en el que se inserta la emergencia del movimiento asociativo de los inmigrantes, para pasar después a detenerme en la movilización étnica de los jóvenes luso-africanos, entrelazando la identidad cultural con sus estrategias de participación política (un concepto utilizado en un sentido amplio).

This dissertation is a study of the changing living conditions for the Sami in Swedish Såpmi (Samiland) throughout the twentieth century with an analysis based on a gender and ethnic perspective. At the turn of the century, the Sami lived as nomadic reindeer herders and were primarily self- sufficient. This changed as the reindeer herders shifted from a self-sufficient lifestyle to a money economy tor a variety of reasons. Over time they became more integrated in the dominant Swedish society and even more dependent on it. Reindeer herding has become increasingly mechanized since the I960's with rationalizations as a result. Even in to the 1990's the industry was the object of streamlining ettorts. A process of masculinization has also occurred and today's reindeer herding is a distinctly male coded profession. Women do not regularly participate in the daily work of reindeer breeding and their ability to have any direct influence on the herding districts (sameby) is limited. This is also largely true in terms of the Sami Parliament, the Sami popularly elected body. The Sami population has experienced unfavorable special legislation and regulation from the State. The population was divided into several different categories with different rights. Sami women were marginalized two-fold and subordinated, partly because of their ethnic affiliation (as Sami) and partly because of their sex (as women). This continues to be true today. The analysis of gender division of labor shows that a married couple had their own autonomous areas of power within the household. The wife was however still subordinate to her husband in his role as master of the family. The older reindeer herding society was not noted for its equality. There was a distinct hierarchy based on sex, age, and social status. Division of labor in modern reindeer breeding is in principle based on the same normative system as the older nomadic society. The study of the ethnic processes in Såpmi shows among other things that from a Sami perspective, a person is Sami who is related to other Sami and whose actions are based on a Sami identity. It is also clear today that there are many different Sami identities, that an individual person draws from a number of such identities and that it is the context that determines which of these are active in any given situation. The Sami identity is sex-based, i.e. there is a difference between a "male Sami" and a "female Sami." Sami women, unlike Sami men, cannot be politically active while also being active based on their sexual identity. Were they to do so, they would be excluded by definition from their ethnic group. Sami women must therefore subordinate themselves as women to be "genuine" Sami. They thereby contribute to their own marginalization and help maintain their own subordinated position in the Sami society. ; digitalisering@umu

Questioning the emancipatory potential of hate crimes activism for sexual and gender non-normative people, this paper outlines the limits of criminal justice remedies to problems of gender, race, economic and sexual subordination. The first section considers some of the positive impacts of hate crimes activism, focusing on the benefits of legal "naming" for disenfranchised constituencies seeking political recognition. In the next section the authors outline the political shortcomings and troubling consequences of hate crimes activism. First, they examine how hate crimes activism is situated within a "mainstream gay agenda," a term they use to designate the set of projects prioritized by large, national gay rights organizations. The authors question the assimilationist drive of mainstream gay activism, and illustrate how such activism fails to reflect commitments to anti-racism, feminism, and economic redistribution. Second, they critique how the rhetoric of hate crimes activism isolates specific instances of violence against queer and transgender people, categorizing these as acts of individual prejudice, and obscures an understanding of the systemic, institutional nature of gender and sexuality subordination. Finally in this section, the authors interrogate hate crimes statutes as a practice of "identity politics" that, despite accomplishing certain goals, nonetheless dangerously reifies constructs of homosexual identity. In the third and final section, they look at how work on hate crimes occupies a place of "legitimacy" in the world of lesbian and gay activism. Preserving a sense of what hate crimes activism hopes to accomplish, they suggest other political strategies that pursue broader work for social and economic justice and build coalitions across identity categories.

This article examines the ways in which discourses of Canadian national identity intersect with those of gender through the lens of young girls of immigrant and refugee backgrounds. In particular, it explores notions of "Canadian-ness" among school girls of Vietnamese and Chinese backgrounds. It also historicizes the emergence of nationalist discourses and traces Canadian government policies that set up exclusionary boundaries around the notion of "Canadian" as a category of identity. ; Cet article etudie les facons dont les discours sur l'identite nationale canadienne croisent ceux sur l'equilibre des sexes a travers les yeux de jeunes filles immigrantes ou refugiees. En particulier les ecolieres d'origine vietnamienne et chinoise. L'article fait aussi l'historique de la naissance du discours nationaliste et retrace les politiques du gouvernement canadien qui etablissent les frontieres d'exclusion qui definissent I'idee de "canadien(ne)" en tant que categorie d'identite.

"Promotion of Women and conjugal Sexuality confronted to the AIDS Epidemics". The article describes the changing roles of Cambodian wives and husbands in the wake of the drastic social changes that Cambodian society has experienced in the past thirty years. In particular, the Aids epidemics which began in the 1990s has been instrumental both in changing the existing social practices and in revealing transformations. When she began her field research on the influence of the Aids epidemics on Cambodian society, the author assumed that urban, educated women who held positions in the government and NGOs were most likely to be involved in activities related to women promotion and to have much to say about changing gendered roles. So the author interviewed 47 of these women (in Khmer), mostly in Phnom Penh, between April and June 1999. The article first describes the social and political environment of the fight against the Aids epidemics; the fight was not very strong at the beginning of the 1990s but progressively was put on top position of the Cambodian government's agenda. The paper goes on with examining the public debate on the opportunity of legalizing prostitution which was perceived as being responsible for the outburst of the Aids epidemics. This debate involved individuals adopting a pragmatic attitude, and others claiming that prostitution was destroying "the true Cambodian values". Moreover, women's organizations, political parties and NGOs had often developed perceptions that Cambodian men had so far failed at creating a peaceful, fair and economically developed society. These organizations compared this failure with the "ancient good times" back to the Angkorian times, when women were supposed to be the rulers of society. What do interviewees think about women's social status and gendered roles in Cambodian society and particularly in married couples ? Field data reveals that they all think that the social status of women is too low: Cambodian women's activities, they say, are limited by their traditional roles as housekeepers, keen to meet all the needs of their husband and children so that they are comfortable at all times. Women, they say, are alienated by the "rice power" held by their husbands. But things are changing because Cambodian women are increasingly providing incomes to their families and, at the same time, men are less and less filling their traditional duties as family leaders responsible for the family's needs. The interviewees promote education and waged work as a means of promoting Cambodian women. But the discourses regarding sexuality are totally different. Asked about the sexuality of married couples, the answers show a feeling of powerlessness and fatalism. The women interviewed perceive male sexuality as being "naturally" demanding and out of control, contrary to that of women. Women are the real "pillars" of their households (as a proverb puts it) and therefore, their sexuality is shaped by "culture" and not by "nature". Most husbands are perceived as unfaithful. But this is not of strong concern as long as they do not threaten the economic and reproductive stability of the married couple by wasting money in the financial support of a lover, or by contaminating their wives with HIV. On the contrary, Cambodian women are perceived as sweet, resigned and faithful. And these qualities guarantee the stability of their couple. Moreover, these qualities are perceived to be typically Khmer. Women are therefore the warrants of national identity. The "cutting principle" invented by French anthropologist Bastide in his analysis of individuals' experience of drastic social change, perfectly suits the case of Cambodian educated urban women: they are trying to invent a new gendered identity which would be both "modern" and "Khmer". But at the same time, they establish a clear-cut division between their full socio-economic integration into Cambodian society and their role as watchdogs of the stability of the family, and by extension of the culture and the nation. ; L'objectif est de comprendre comment se transforment les rôles sexués des couples cambodgiens dans les années 1990, sous l'effet des changements brutaux et profonds qui touchent la société cambodgienne depuis vingt ans, en particulier l'épidémie du Sida – à la fois transformatrice de pratiques et révélatrices de mutations. L'idée de départ était que les femmes urbaines, instruites, occupant des fonctions politiques ou associatives étaient les plus susceptibles d'œuvrer à la promotion des femmes. L'analyse se base donc essentiellement sur les interviews de l'auteur avec 47 de ces femmes (en khmer), surtout à Phnom Penh, en avril-juin 1999. L'article débute par une présentation du contexte socio-politique de lutte contre l'épidémie du Sida, lutte timidement commencée puis sérieusement menée. Le texte se poursuit avec l'apparition du débat public sur la prostitution féminine (jugée responsable de l'évolution de l'épidémie du Sida), entre réticences et pragmatisme. Parallèlement, la place des organisation féminines, partis politiques et ONG, est décrite, ainsi que leurs discours mettant en avant l'échec de la politique masculine et l'évocation des temps ancestraux où les femmes étaient aux commandes. Que disent ce femmes interviewées sur les statuts et les rôles socio-sexués cambodgiens, en particulier au sein des couples ? Avec une ferveur militante et une belle unanimité, toutes estiment que le statut social des femmes cambodgiennes est trop bas ; cantonnées qu'elles sont aux travaux domestiques et à la satisfaction du confort de leur époux et de leurs enfants, elles sont soumises au "pouvoir du riz", détenu par l'époux. Mais les femmes sont en réalité, disent-elles, de plus en plus pourvoyeuses de revenus dans une société en crise économique, en même temps que les qualités masculines traditionnelles (sens des responsabilités familiales) se délitent, faisant peser un poids de plus en plus lourd sur les épaules des femmes. Les interviewées prônent l'instruction et le travail salarié comme moyens de promotion de la femme cambodgienne. Mais dès que l'on aborde la sexualité conjugale, le ton des entretiens est à l'impuissance et au fatalisme. La sexualité masculine est en effet vue comme relevant de la "nature" (exigeante, irrépressible) quand celle de la femme, gardienne du foyer, relève de la "culture". La nature volage des maris suscite une certaine indifférence dans la mesure où il ne met pas en danger l'association conjugale, dans ses fonctions économiques et reproductives en particulier (entretien d'une maîtresse, contamination par le VIH). Capables, par leurs qualité de douceur, de résignation, de fidélité, disent les interviewées, d'assurer la pérennité du mariage, les femmes s'estiment ainsi être les reflets des caractéristiques ethnico-nationales typiquement khmères et, au-delà, les garantes de l'identité nationale. Le "principe de coupure" de Bastide décrivant des individus dans des contextes d'acculturation rapide, s'applique donc parfaitement aux femmes instruites et urbaines du Cambodge : leurs actions obéissent au double impératif de construire une identité féminine à la fois "moderne" et "khmère", en maintenant une séparation nette entre leur pleine intégration socio-économique et leur rôle de gardienne de l'union conjugale, de la culture, de la nation.

"Promotion of Women and conjugal Sexuality confronted to the AIDS Epidemics". The article describes the changing roles of Cambodian wives and husbands in the wake of the drastic social changes that Cambodian society has experienced in the past thirty years. In particular, the Aids epidemics which began in the 1990s has been instrumental both in changing the existing social practices and in revealing transformations. When she began her field research on the influence of the Aids epidemics on Cambodian society, the author assumed that urban, educated women who held positions in the government and NGOs were most likely to be involved in activities related to women promotion and to have much to say about changing gendered roles. So the author interviewed 47 of these women (in Khmer), mostly in Phnom Penh, between April and June 1999. The article first describes the social and political environment of the fight against the Aids epidemics; the fight was not very strong at the beginning of the 1990s but progressively was put on top position of the Cambodian government's agenda. The paper goes on with examining the public debate on the opportunity of legalizing prostitution which was perceived as being responsible for the outburst of the Aids epidemics. This debate involved individuals adopting a pragmatic attitude, and others claiming that prostitution was destroying "the true Cambodian values". Moreover, women's organizations, political parties and NGOs had often developed perceptions that Cambodian men had so far failed at creating a peaceful, fair and economically developed society. These organizations compared this failure with the "ancient good times" back to the Angkorian times, when women were supposed to be the rulers of society. What do interviewees think about women's social status and gendered roles in Cambodian society and particularly in married couples ? Field data reveals that they all think that the social status of women is too low: Cambodian women's activities, they say, are limited by their ...

This thesis seeks to understand what citizenship has meant within the everyday lives of Canadians by tracing the growth and evolution of the Citizenship Council of Manitoba between 1948 and 1975. By looking at the Council within this period it is possible to examine how two pieces of government policy--the Citizenship Act of 1947 and the Multiculturalism policy of 1971--were given meaning within a local community organization. The issues of gender, religion and class were central to the Citizenship Council's identity as a group, influencing how it understood citizenship and how it related to immigrants. By assuming greater leadership of the organization within this period, women were instrumental in bringing about more direct immigrant participation. As the group became less overtly Christian during this period its rhetoric became less religious and more political in nature. The Citizenship Council's class identity evolved as well, and by the 1970s its membership and leadership reflected greater ethnic and social diversity, thereby portraying a broader interpretation of what it meant to belong as a "good" Canadian citizen. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

Pro-feminist men's organizing makes advantaged, White, heterosexual men central to the movement through broader, interlocking social relations. Their relationship to White feminism, taking up of gay politics, and position vis-à-vis men of colour suggest that marginalized men are included or excluded differently on functional grounds but not always consciously as the dominant group comes to see itself as benevolent, progressive, and antisexist. Gender, race, and sexuality operate together (not individually) to secure the dominant group a central political position and a positive self-identity. Les hommes hétérosexuels, blancs et nantis occupent une place centrale dans les regroupements d'hommes proféministes en raison de leur plus vaste réseau de relations sociales. Leur lien avec le féminisme blanc, s'inspirant des droits des homosexuels, et leur position vis-à-vis des hommes de couleur semblent indiquer que les hommes marginalisés sont inclus ou exclus différemment selon des critères fonctionnels, mais pas toujours consciemment, car le groupe dominant en vient à se considérer comme bienveillant, progressiste et antisexiste. Le sexe, la race et la sexualité agissent ensemble (et non séparément) afin d'assurer au groupe do- minant une position politique centrale et une conception positive de son identité.

Although Americans claim to revere the Constitution, relatively few understand its workings. Its real importance for the average citizen is as an enduring reminder of the moral vision that shaped the nation's founding. Yet scholars have paid little attention to the broader appeal that constitutional idealism has always made to the American imagination through publications and films.Maxwell Bloomfield draws upon such neglected sources to illustrate the way in which media coverage contributes to major constitutional change. Successive generations have sought to reaffirm a sense of national identity and purpose by appealing to constitutional norms, defined on an official level by law and government. Public support, however, may depend more on messages delivered by the popular media. Muckraking novels, such as Upton Sinclair's The Jungle (1906), debated federal economic regulation. Woman suffrage organizations produced films to counteract the harmful gender stereotypes of early comedies. Arguments over the enforcement of black civil rights in the Civil Rights Cases and Plessy v. Ferguson took on new meaning when dramatized in popular novels. From the founding to the present, Americans have been taught that even radical changes may be achieved through orderly constitutional procedures. How both elite and marginalized groups in American society reaffirmed and communicated this faith in the first three decades of the twentieth century is the central theme of this book. ; https://scholarship.law.edu/fac_books/1049/thumbnail.jpg