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Abstract: On May 9th, 2012, the Argentinean Senate converted into law the long collective process, driven by trans* activism, towards the legal recognition of gender identity. The Gender Identity Act (GIA) meant a large contribution to the field of civil and sexual rights interationally, especially in the matter of trans* policy. Nevertheless, what was at stake in the approval of the GIA was not just a step forward in legal terms and at a personal level for trans* people, but a whole set of representations, desires and social stakes on trans* lives and population. Thus, as regards to the scope and achievements of the GIA and its social and parliamentary debates, we can assert that in that realm a specific trans* life does not qualify as a living life. This article addresses the specific ways of presentation and apprehension of trans* lives in parliamentary debates about the GIA, and in social disputes within trans* activism. A biopolitical analysis of gender identity leads us to rethink the social conditions that sustain life and, by the same token, the interpretative frameworks of death.Keywords: Gender Identity; Law; Trans*; Biopolitics; NecropoliticsNecropolíticas trans*: Ley de identidad de género en ArgentinaResumen: El 9 de Mayo de 2012, el Senado Argentino convirtió en ley lo que fuera un largo proceso colectivo impulsado por el activismo trans*, la llamada Ley de Reconocimiento a la Identidad de Género. La Ley de Identidad de Género (LIDG) significó un gran aporte de escala internacional en materia de derechos sexuales y civiles, y en particular, en materia de política trans*. No obstante, lo que estaba en juego en la aprobación de la LIDG significaba no sólo un avance de carácter personal y global en términos jurídicos, sino también un conjunto de representaciones, deseos y apuestas sociales sobre la población y la vida trans*. A tenor de los alcances y logros de la LIDG y sus respectivos debates, tanto sociales como parlamentarios, puede sostenerse que en ellos una vida concreta, una vida trans*, no califica como vida viva. El artículo propone una reflexión crítica sobre los modos específicos de presentación y aprehensión de una vida trans*, sea en los distintos debates parlamentarios en torno a la LIDG, sea en las disputas sociales del activismo trans*. Desde un análisis biopolítico sobre la identidad de género, el texto busca repensar las condiciones sociales que sostienen la vida y, por lo mismo, aquellos marcos interpretativos de la muerte.Palabras clave: Identidad de Género; Ley; Trans*; Biopolítica; NecropolíticaNecropolíticas trans*: Lei de Identidade de Gênero na ArgentinaResumo: Em 9 de maio de 2012, o Senado argentino converteu em lei o que fora um longo processo coletivo impulsionado pelo ativismo trans*, a chamada Lei de Reconhecimento da Identidade de Gênero. A Lei de Identidade de Gênero (LIDG) significou uma grande contribuição de escala internacional em matéria de direitos sexuais e civis e, em particular, em matéria de política trans*. No entanto, o que estava em jogo na aprovação da LIDG significava não só um avanço de caráter pessoal e global em termos jurídicos, mas além disso um conjunto de representações, desejos e apostas sociais sobre a população e a vida trans*. Nesse sentido, se nos ativermos aos alcances e êxitos da LIDG e aos seus respectivos debates tão sociais como parlamentares, poderemos sustentar que neles uma vida concreta, uma vida trans*, não se qualifica como vida viva. O presente artigo se propõe a uma reflexão crítica sobre os modos específicos de apresentação e de apreensão de uma vida trans*, seja nos distintos debates parlamentares em torno da LIDG, seja nas disputas sociais do ativismo trans*. A partir de uma análise biopolítica sobre a identidade de gênero, vamos repensar as condições sociais que sustentam a vida e, pela mesma razão, aqueles marcos interpretativos da morte.Palavras-chave: identidade de gênero; Lei; trans*; biopolítica; necropolítica ; Last May 9, 2012, the Argentinian Senate turned into a law what was a long colective process driven by trans activism, the so called Gender Identity Acknowledgemente Law. The Gender Identity Law, meant a large step forward at an international level in the sexual and civil rights field, and specifically in the Trans politics subject. Nontheless, what was concerned in the approval of the GIL implied not only an advance at a personal and global level in legal terms, but also a set of representations, desires and social pledges over Trans population and life. Theoretically, if we adjust to the scope of the GIL'S achievements, we can state that a concrete life, a Trans life, does not qualify as a living life. The following lines are centered in a critical consideration over the specific ways of presenting and understanding a Trans life, both in the variety of parliamentary debates regarding the GIL as in the social disputes withing Trans activism itself. From a biopolitical approach over gender identity, we plan to rethink the social conditions that sustain life, and consecuently, the interpretative frames of death.

The introduction of the Gender Recognition Act 2015 (the "2015 Act") represented a seismic shift in the Irish legal landscape as regards the legal recognition of people whose preferred gender does not correspond with the sex noted upon the register of births. The Act is notable as it represents a loosening of the rigid division between the male and female gender. In essence, it maintains the need for a binary categorisation by gender of people but the boundary has become permeable and movement between the gender categories is now permissible. Questions of identity go to the core of a person's dignity and thus are central to the inalienable rights we all enjoy a human beings. This chapter will consider the circumstances leading to the introduction of the 2015 Act. It will examine how the legislative scheme evolved during its passage through the Oireachtas and analyse both the enacted legislation and the manner in which it is operationalised. Thus it will consider whether the manner in which the right to recognition was realised in the 2015 Act fully respects the rights and dignity of those who may wish to avail of its provisions.

It is a fact that transgender people experience severe discrimination in various forms not only in their everyday lives but also in their working lives, especially when transitioning. It seems that Europe is slowly changing over the years as there are constant calls to tackle this complex issue by considering the inclusion of a third gender option, the abolition of any abusive practices, recommendations for legal redress in cases of violation, and a more transparent and self-determined legal recognition procedure. There are national laws which offer protection on the basis of gender identity at national and international levels. Nevertheless, there is still a lack of uniformity due to a number of unresolved matters such as uncertainty about who is covered, whether gender identity should be covered as a protected ground, what is required to gain a legal change of name and gender marker in official documents, who is responsible for authorisation and uncertainty over the stages, nature and duration of the actual procedure. Fewer distressed transgender employees and transphobic incidents are observed when there is greater social acceptability, organisational effort and national intervention. Research and collective actions by movements, political leaders, academics, medical experts and non-governmental organisations are further required to minimise societal and employment exclusions of transgender people.

Gender identity is defined as social and cultural conception of an individual as a male or a female. This concept is associated with certain gender roles and behaviour in patriarchal societies that want to develop power hierarchy between men and women. Doris Lessing's The Golden Notebook came into existence as a feminist fiction that bewildered common readers' mind with its description about free women who were trapped in gender identity like other traditional women of Britain but slowly they resisted their femininity by acquiring social, political and economic equality with men and enjoying divorce and sexual liberty.

This study is an attempt to examine the role of performativity in forming and determining gender identity in a society. This study included articles and books that were written about language, gender, identity of a gender and also politics of performativity. These studies were analyzed qualitatively and quantitatively. The result of these analyzing shows gender identity is not natural or innate. Rather it takes its meaning from the inside of a person. This formation is influenced by the thoughts and ideas of society about gender and identity. It is clear gender and also gender identity constructed by language, then language goes into behavior, it, finally, begins to shape peoples identities. It means that gender and identity of gender are formed and determined by language and behavior; peoples acts.

Approximately 80,000 LGBT workers in Kentucky are not explicitly protected from discrimination under state or federal laws. Seven localities in Kentucky prohibit discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity in private and public sector employment, and state government employees are protected. If sexual orientation and gender identity were added to existing statewide non-discrimination laws, 38 more complaints would be filed in Kentucky each year. The cost of enforcing those complaints would be negligible, and would not require additional court or administrative staff.

Over the last three decades, an increasing number of Anglophone courts have recognised asylum claims on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity. Such jurisprudence has been heralded for "progressing" LGBTI rights. Yet, the progressive promise of these "pro-LGBTI" decisions leaves much more to be desired. Often formulated under the rubric of a "particular social group," the extent to which queer refugees have been granted protection has been contingent on whether they subscribe to normative ideas of intimacy, identity, and injury. Specifically, queer refugees must demonstrate they have a "well-founded fear of persecution" by subscribing to ethnocentric assumptions about sexual citizenship, gender expression, erotic relationships, and state violence. While the concept of fear has been central to the grant of asylum under international law, it has also been mobilised in legal, political, and academic responses to the adjudication of such claims. Specifically, the fear about having a refugee jurisprudence that is too queer has led to states attempting to curb opening the proverbial "floodgates." This anxious attempt at control has been painfully fleshed out in the way courts navigate the nexus between "authenticating" immutable sexual or gender identities and "counting" what amounts to sustained state persecution. Drawing on appellate case law from Australia, UK, US, and the EU, this paper disturbs how fear stifles the recognition of queer identity, intimacy, and injury. By disrupting judicial gestures, it considers how "asylum anxieties" continue to undermine queer claims for protection.

The writings of Dakota author Zitkala-Ša include her memoirs from her elementary education in a white boarding school, as well as some original Native American stories. While there has been much modern scholarship on how Native American women have reconciled their racial and gender identities, I will be examining the link between Native American feminism and assimilation in the boarding school system, exploring the specific aspects of Native femininity that Zitkala-Ša highlights in "A Warrior's Daughter." This short story outlines a young Dakota woman's effort to rescue her lover from the hands of an enemy tribe. Through the main character, Tusee, Zitkala-Ša calls for Native women to accept their important tribal responsibilities, including motherhood, and embrace their ethnic identities. Tusee's characterization is also used to denounce the oppressive rules of white femininity imbued in Native American girls by the assimilative education system used in the Western boarding schools of the time. Likewise, I will also investigate Zitkala-Ša's political work and advocacy for Native American women, examining how her own efforts to halt assimilation and fight for social equality are mirrored in her works of fiction, specifically in "A Warrior's Daughter." By analyzing her arguments in the short story as well as her political activism, I uncover Zitkala-Ša's efforts to protect important gender roles that are central to the propagation and preservation of Native American customs and traditions, thus allowing future generations to maintain their tribal ways of life.

Grounded in ongoing fieldwork inside Myanmar and amongst exiled Burmese communities, this article provides the first detailed account of the legal and human rights status of sexual orientation and gender identity minorities in Myanmar, with a focus on the abuses that they suffer. It also examines how Burmese activists overcame repressive laws to form an indigenous LGBT rights movement that has flourished since the start of the country's recent political transition. The research thus sheds light not only on future challenges for LGBT rights activism, but also on the broader political mobilization of human rights in a changing Myanmar. The research also has implications for states during democratic transition. ; The first author was funded by the Humanities and Social Sciences Research Grant, National University of Singapore, and the second author was funded by an Australian Postgraduate Award.

Grounded in ongoing fieldwork inside Myanmar and amongst exiled Burmese communities, this article provides the first detailed account of the legal and human rights status of sexual orientation and gender identity minorities in Myanmar, with a focus on the abuses that they suffer. It also examines how Burmese activists overcame repressive laws to form an indigenous LGBT rights movement that has flourished since the start of the country's recent political transition. The research thus sheds light not only on future challenges for LGBT rights activism, but also on the broader political mobilization of human rights in a changing Myanmar. The research also has implications for states during democratic transition. ; The first author was funded by the Humanities and Social Sciences Research Grant, National University of Singapore, and the second author was funded by an Australian Postgraduate Award.

Approximately 6,800 LGBT workers in North Dakota are not explicitly protected from discrimination under state or federal laws. Discrimination against LGBT employees has been documented in surveys, legislative testimony, the media, and in reports to community-based organizations. Many corporate employers and public opinion in North Dakota support protections for LGBT people in the workplace. If sexual orientation and gender identity were added to existing statewide non-discrimination laws, three more complaints would be filed in North Dakota each year. The cost of enforcing those complaints would most likely be negligible, and would not require additional court or administrative staff.

This paper examines Chelsea Manning's self-narration of her leaking of government documents. The press has classified her as a would-be whistleblower whose confusion over her sexuality and gender identity keep her from being an authentic truth-teller. I dispute this reading and argue for seeing Manning as an exemplar of what I call "transformative truth-telling": a practice of truth-telling that challenges and seeks to transform dominant public/private distinctions that structure who counts as a proper truth-teller. I argue that reading Manning's act in this way reveals the democratic promise and riskiness of truth-tellingand alerts democratic actors and theorists to the importance of cultivating broader and more generous democratic receptivities to truth-telling.

This study aims at investigating the gender identity formation of some Indonesian women EFL teachers as they had experiences in advancing their study abroad. The study adopted a qualitative methodology within a feminist framework. The data were generated from some women who had been teaching English in Indonesia for at least two years prior to coming to another country to further their education. Through self-completion questionnaires and focus group interviews, the participants shared their lived-experiences and their adjustments as they were exposed to different cultural movements transnationally, between Indonesia and another country. How these women EFL teachers construct their gender identity during their transnational movement and how English actually influences these processes is the focus of the study. The findings reveal how the processes of gender identity construction were formed through governmental policy and socio-cultural values in the society. The findings also show how for these women EFL teachers their professional milieu was a site of contestation for women to promote their status in the society and gender equality. Finally the study highlights that English language is viewed as a benefit to elevate women's social status as it facilitated their socialization in professional and educational contexts when they furthered their study in another country. Drawing on the findings, further research is suggested around the issue of gender identity construction of men EFL teachers in order to get more comprehensive picture.Keywords: gender identity, women EFL teachers, English language

The Most Noble of People presents a nuanced look at questions of identity in Muslim Spain under the Umayyads, an Arab dynasty that ruled from 756 to 1031. With a social historical emphasis on relations among different religious and ethnic groups, and between men and women, Jessica A. Coope considers the ways in which personal and cultural identity in al-Andalus could be alternately fluid and contentious. The opening chapters define Arab and Muslim identity as those categories were understood in Muslim Spain, highlighting the unique aspects of this society as well as its similarities with other parts of the medieval Islamic world. The book goes on to discuss what it meant to be a Jew or Christian in Spain under Islamic rule, and the degree to which non-Muslims were full participants in society. Following this is a consideration of gender identity as defined by Islamic law and by less normative sources like literature and mystical texts. It concludes by focusing on internal rebellions against the government of Muslim Spain, particularly the conflicts between Muslims who were ethnically Arab and those who were Berber or native Iberian, pointing to the limits of Muslim solidarity. Drawn from an unusually broad array of sources—including legal texts, religious polemic, chronicles, mystical texts, prose literature, and poetry, in both Arabic and Latin—many of Coope's illustrations of life in al-Andalus also reflect something of the larger medieval world. Further, some key questions about gender, ethnicity, and religious identity that concerned people in Muslim Spain—for example, women's status under Islamic law, or what it means to be a Muslim in different contexts and societies around the world—remain relevant today.

Entre los «nuevos derechos» reconocidos por algunas de las recientes reformas estatutarias cabe destacar el denominado derecho a la identidad de género. Este derecho, solo contemplado por el legislador estatal en cuanto al procedimiento para la rectificación registral del sexo, está siendo objeto de desarrollo por varios legisladores autonómicos. Este marco normativo nos sitúa ante el doble reto que este nuevo derecho plantea a los ordenamientos jurídicos: la superación de la perspectiva patologizadora de la transexualidad y el desafío al sistema binario masculino/femenino desde el que se construye la titularidad de los derechos. ; Among the new rights recognized by some of the latest statutory reforms, we should include the so-called right to gender identity. This right, only considered by the State legislator regarding the registration process for sex rectification, is still under development by several autonomic legislators. This regulatory framework confronts us with the double challenge raisen by this new law at the legal systems: the overcoming of the pathologizing perspective of transsexuality as well as the challenge to the male / female binary system from which the rights onwership is built.