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Issues arising from the measurement of gender identity on surveys have received scant attention from survey methodologists. We make use of three studies (two in the US and one in Mexico) to look at the effects of asking about gender identity on downstream measurements of political party affiliation. In all three studies, we show a significant impact of priming respondents to think about gender identity on expressed political identity. In two of the studies, we also find conditional effects based on the predispositions of respondents, and we find throughout that these effects are much stronger for men than for women.

The article regards the phenomenon of political communication from the perspective of the particularities of constructing gender identity by politicians. As far as the influence of the gender factor on politicians' speech is concerned, the most relevant approach among many others is the discourse approach formed within the paradigm of cognitive linguistics, which considers political discourse as the object of study. The paper deals with the notion of political discourse and examines a hypothesis that gender factor might have a number of manifestations in political communication. It is noted that studying the specificity of constructing gender identity by politicians in discursive practices is becoming a highly topical issue as the importance of female participation in public and political life is growing. Political decision-making has long been considered the prerogativeofmen, but now the necessity of studying the female factor in this sphere is obvious. The author dwells upon the historical background of linguistic gender studies and summarizes the main stages of their development focusing mainly on the theory of the social construction of gender. The founders of this theory advance the thesis that an individual's gender identity is shaped in the process of constructing gender relations in communicative interaction. Further in the article we analyse a few devices of creating the images of masculinity and femininity by famous English and American politicians. As structural components of gender identity, masculinity and femininity turn out to be modifiable parameters depending on the pragmatic attitudes of communicators. Traditional androcentrism of political discourse may account for modifying the female speech style towards masculinity to achieve certain communicative aims.

This paper reviews efforts to incorporate cultural considerations on sexual and gender identity disorders in DSM-IV. An initial literature review revealed very few sources that met the criteria of relevance for the DSM constructions of sexual and gender identity disorders. Cultural caveats were included in introductions to the sexual dysfunctions and paraphilias, but not for the gender identity disorders of DSM-IV. Discussion of the Culture and Diagnosis Work Group's suggestions for revision shows that: (i) we were more successful at getting culturally insensitive statements eliminated from preliminary drafts than in getting culturally sensitive statements included in the final document; and (ii) although cultural considerations were considered important, any challenge to the basic nosological assumptions that underlie the categories themselves went unheeded. The DSM-IV categories of sexual disorder are also taken to task for the inherent notion that while a culturally informed critique may be appropriate for some exotic societies it is irrelevant for our own and for a lack of sensitivity to gender issues that have been well articulated in the literature.

Studies for high‐income countries have shown that the prescription that a man should earn more than his wife holds back women's performance in the labour market, evidencing the importance of gender identity norms in explaining persistent gender gaps. Using data on couples in Uruguay for the period 1986–2016, this paper analyses behavioural responses to the male breadwinner norm, investigating the role of job informality as an additional mechanism of response to gender norms. My results show that the higher the probability that the wife earns more than her husband, the less likely she is to engage in a formal job, providing evidence that gender norms affect not only the quantity of labour supply (i.e. labour force participation and hours of work), but also the quality of jobs in which women are employed. Moreover, I also identify meaningful effects of the norm on men: those with lower potential earnings than their wives react to the norm by self‐selecting into better‐paid formal jobs. Not considering these effects would lead to underestimating the consequences of gender norms on labour market inequalities in the context of developing countries.

The introduction of the Gender Recognition Act 2015 (the "2015 Act") represented a seismic shift in the Irish legal landscape as regards the legal recognition of people whose preferred gender does not correspond with the sex noted upon the register of births. The Act is notable as it represents a loosening of the rigid division between the male and female gender. In essence, it maintains the need for a binary categorisation by gender of people but the boundary has become permeable and movement between the gender categories is now permissible. Questions of identity go to the core of a person's dignity and thus are central to the inalienable rights we all enjoy a human beings. This chapter will consider the circumstances leading to the introduction of the 2015 Act. It will examine how the legislative scheme evolved during its passage through the Oireachtas and analyse both the enacted legislation and the manner in which it is operationalised. Thus it will consider whether the manner in which the right to recognition was realised in the 2015 Act fully respects the rights and dignity of those who may wish to avail of its provisions.

It is a fact that transgender people experience severe discrimination in various forms not only in their everyday lives but also in their working lives, especially when transitioning. It seems that Europe is slowly changing over the years as there are constant calls to tackle this complex issue by considering the inclusion of a third gender option, the abolition of any abusive practices, recommendations for legal redress in cases of violation, and a more transparent and self-determined legal recognition procedure. There are national laws which offer protection on the basis of gender identity at national and international levels. Nevertheless, there is still a lack of uniformity due to a number of unresolved matters such as uncertainty about who is covered, whether gender identity should be covered as a protected ground, what is required to gain a legal change of name and gender marker in official documents, who is responsible for authorisation and uncertainty over the stages, nature and duration of the actual procedure. Fewer distressed transgender employees and transphobic incidents are observed when there is greater social acceptability, organisational effort and national intervention. Research and collective actions by movements, political leaders, academics, medical experts and non-governmental organisations are further required to minimise societal and employment exclusions of transgender people.

Data gathered by the authors from undergraduate and part‐time graduate business students in 1976‐1977 suggested that men were more likely than women to aspire to top management and that, consistent with traditional stereotypes of males and managers, a gender identity consisting of high masculinity and low femininity was associated with aspirations to top management. As a result of gender‐related social changes, we expected the gender difference in aspirations to top management but not the importance of gender identity to have decreased over time. We collected data in 1999 from the same two populations to test these notions. In newly collected data, high masculinity (but not low femininity) was still associated with such aspirations, and men still aspired to top management positions more than women. However, the gender difference in aspirations to top management did not decrease over time.