Markets, gender and identity: a case study of the Working Women's Forum as a social movement
In: International Law from Below, S. 272-288
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In: International Law from Below, S. 272-288
In: Social categories in everyday experience., S. 45-59
In: Kultur und Gesellschaft: gemeinsamer Kongreß der Deutschen, der Österreichischen und der Schweizerischen Gesellschaft für Soziologie, Zürich 1988 ; Beiträge der Forschungskomitees, Sektionen und Ad-hoc-Gruppen, S. 92-94
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"Gender and Religiosity in the United States" published on by Oxford University Press.
Introduces a Vol of nine Chpts (each abstracted) by providing a theoretical & political context for issues raised by recent changes in & challenges to the political project of feminism. The central idea of a shared oppression uniting women in their struggle for liberation informed second-wave feminism of the 1960s & 1970s, which tended to concentrate on social structures that universally disadvantaged women, regardless of class, race, or sexual differences. This ignorance of difference eventually led to the assertion of radical difference in postmodernist & poststructuralist feminist thought. These new strands of theory were anchored in a wider challenge to Western philosophical thought that revealed the gendered nature of the dichotomies that structure it. Two particular claims were stressed by poststructural feminists: that all knowledge was partial & relative to the social construction of experience. Thus, recent feminist work is described as emphasizing the local & cultural variability of gender in all its forms. Others have focused on the nature of power as ambivalent & negotiated rather than imposed from one group onto another. With a focus on identity issues in the context of practicing feminism, contributions address the significance of women's agency & sense of active subjectivity as well as notions of identity construction in power relations. 85 References. D. M. Smith
In: Gender and Conflict since 1914, S. 154-170
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"Transgender-Specific Politics and Policy in Europe" published on by Oxford University Press.
Investigates the question of what determines whether a society is "gender just" in order to reconceptualize the term "gender justice" itself. Examination of the term gender offers a conceptualization that aims towards main stream questions beyond academic intellectual & disciplinary traditions. The complex multilayered phenomenon of gender is asserted to require an array of analytical tools to separate the layers, but in real life the workings of gender norms, stereotypes, institutions, & identity are in constant interaction. Current theorization of gender justice is inadequate in the arenas of capability & indefinite principles of justice. Three principles of gender justice capability are proposed as an "equality of opportunity theory" that will continue to record an account of gender justice into the future. References. J. Harwell
Investigates the tensions between mainstream moral issues & trans-sexual & trans-gender identities to argue that "trans" trouble is actually a profound critique of discourse that naturalizes commonplace concepts constructed about humans or ethical subjects. This critique fulfills the radical deconstruction potential that post-structuralist theorization has articulated with respect to individual identity, reproduction, sex, sexualit/ies, & gender. The theory & practice of trans-sexuality marks an important stage in every definition of the human person, & therefore the ethical subject. Although gender trouble is here to stay, philosophical conceptualizations of the human subject must now embrace conceptions of the "other" in new & complex ways. References. J. Harwell
In: Citizenship education. Theory - research - practice., S. 59-72
Fast vierzigjährige empirische Forschungen zu geschlechtsspezifischen Unterschieden zeigen, das die politischen Orientierungen und Interessen weiblicher Jugendlicher weniger ausgeprägt sind als die ihrer männlichen Altersgenossen. So konnte die Geschlechtsrolle mit dem Stereotyp des "unpolitischen Mädchens" belegt werden. Andererseits weist die Mehrzahl der gleichen Studien nach, dass Mädchen ein stärkeres Interesse an sozialen, ökologischen und friedenspolitischen Fragen zeigen. Auch ist ihre Bereitschaft zu sozialen Engagement und zur Teilnahme an gewaltfreien Demonstrationen höher. Die vorliegende Beitrag versucht durch eine eigene empirische Studie diese zum Teil widersprüchlichen Befunde zu erklären. Leitende Hypothese ist hier: Geschlechtspezifische Unterschiede in der politischen und zivilen Identität können dadurch erklärt werden, dass sich Jungen bei politischen Machtfragen kompetenter fühlen, während Mädchen sich stärker an prosozialen und gleichheitsbetonenden Aspekten orientieren. Die Ergebnisse der empirischen Studie bestätigen diese Hypothese und geben gleichzeitig einige Hinweise darauf, dass die auf der Makroebene des politischen Systems bestehenden Ungleichheiten bei den "offiziellen" Positionen mit großer Wahrscheinlichkeit auf Sozialisationseffekte zurückzuführen sind. (ICA). Die Untersuchung enthält quantitative Daten. Die Untersuchung bezieht sich auf den Zeitraum 1998 bis 1998.;;;The aim of the present study is to look for basic gender differences in adolescent political and civic identity and to make some suggestions, based on the empirical data of our own study, as to how these gender differences can be explained. The main hypothesis is: Gender differences in political and civic identity could be explained by the fact, that males feel politically more competent, whereas females are strongly oriented towards pro-social and egalitarian aspects. Before these hypotheses can be tested, a short overview of theory and the empirical findings reported in the relevant literature should be given in order to organize the field of gender differences in political and civic orientations. In the end some consequences with regard to citizenship education will be discussed. (DIPF/orig.).
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"LGBT and Queer Politics in the Commonwealth" published on by Oxford University Press.
Chronicles the development of the lesbian & gay movement in VT, focusing on activists' pursuit of a politics of recognition based on identity as a minority group. Data are drawn from movement documents, informant interviews, secondary sources, & activist accounts. A distinction is made between ethnic identity & queer strategies of identity construction in the political realm, comparing their "essentialist" vs "antinormalizing" tendencies. The intersection between the law, the state, & identity construction is examined, demonstrating how it contributed to overcoming diversity & binding gay & lesbian social movements into a cross-gender alliance for homosexual rights beginning in the early 1980s. 1 Table. K. Hyatt Stewart
Chronicles the development of the lesbian & gay movement in VT, focusing on activists' pursuit of a politics of recognition based on identity as a minority group. Data are drawn from movement documents, informant interviews, secondary sources, & activist accounts. A distinction is made between ethnic identity & queer strategies of identity construction in the political realm, comparing their "essentialist" vs "antinormalizing" tendencies. The intersection between the law, the state, & identity construction is examined, demonstrating how it contributed to overcoming diversity & binding gay & lesbian social movements into a cross-gender alliance for homosexual rights beginning in the early 1980s. 1 Table. K. Hyatt Stewart
An introductory chapter notes that the aim of the book is to incorporate gender analysis into a critical study of the processes of globalization & democratization. Robert Connell's (1987) concept of gender as an active process that creates divisions of labor, power, emotions, identity, behavior, & dress is used to show how economic aspects of 20th-century globalization have impacted gender relations. "Full" democracy is described as one in which institutionalized gender regimes are truly egalitarian. The complex relationship between globalization & democratization is discussed to contend that globalization represents economic forces that change both the division of labor between the sexes & the nature of the state. The contributors give considerable attention to tensions that exist between gender regimes that determine work relations & those that operate within the family. The interdisciplinary essays offer regional perspectives on varied characteristics of globalization & address contradictions generated by the link between globalization & democratization as social movements. Case studies from around the world assess the prospects for gender regime change & increased democratization. J. Lindroth
Points out the irony in claims of poststructuralist theories of identity construction that omit a comparable genealogy of construction theories specifically conceptualized as white identity. This leads to a cultural studies proposition that, while gender & race of the Other are discursive constructions, whiteness is not. A similar void surrounding construction of white identity is noted in the work of critical feminists & postcolonial poststructuralists. Mutually reinforcing categories of Otherness & whiteness are drawn from the works of Franz Fanon (1967) & Toni Morrison (1989) to develop a different theoretical framework for studying whiteness, arguing that both white & Other are able to author the construction of whiteness. This framework is applied to three popular culture films that reflect whiteness in relation to Others in different cultural political contexts: David Lean's Passage to India; Spike Lee's Do the Right Thing; & Kevin Costner's Dances with Wolves. How these films construct whiteness in the modalities of dialectics, synchronous, & syncretic identities is examined. 29 References. J. Lindroth