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The goal of the current study was to examine the moderating role of in-group social identity on relations between youth exposure to sectarian antisocial behavior in the community and aggressive behaviors. Participants included 770 mother-child dyads living in interfaced neighborhoods of Belfast. Youth answered questions about aggressive and delinquent behaviors as well as the extent to which they targeted their behaviors toward members of the other group. Structural equation modeling results show that youth exposure to sectarian antisocial behavior is linked with increases in both general and sectarian aggression and delinquency over one year. Reflecting the positive and negative effects of social identity, in-group social identity moderated this link, strengthening the relationship between exposure to sectarian antisocial behavior in the community and aggression and delinquency towards the out-group. However, social identity weakened the effect for exposure to sectarian antisocial behavior in the community on general aggressive behaviors. Gender differences also emerged; the relation between exposure to sectarian antisocial behavior and sectarian aggression was stronger for boys. The results have implications for understanding the complex role of social identity in inter-group relations for youth in post-accord societies.

The research theorizes about the form of the exercise of political power where the politically relevant subject or social actor who, regardless of their gender identity, is conditioned by the environment in which they display their social relationships, pressing or constituting their identity and becoming as subject subject to those social or political mandates typical of the power he holds. When women manage to gain access to a position of power, they continue to be judged by male "assimilation patterns" and, by not fitting that model, they are discriminated against, questioned or judged in their political role, observing that the reaction of some women in positions of power, is to adopt hegemonically accepted male forms and models. Therefore, the research gives an account of the nature of this phenomenon: it is a consequence of the androcentric model socially accepted in a cultural environment where masculinity, with all its models and ways of exercising power, is the hegemonically accepted. ; La investigación teoriza sobre la forma del ejercicio del poder político donde el sujeto o actor social políticamente relevante que con independencia de su identidad de género, se ve condicionado por el entorno en el cual despliega sus relaciones sociales, presionando o constituyendo su identidad y devenir como sujeto sometido a esos mandatos sociales o políticos propios del poder que ostenta. Cuando las mujeres logran acceder a un cargo de poder siguen siendo juzgadas por "patrones de asimilación" masculino y, al no encajar con ese modelo, llegan a ser discriminadas, cuestionadas o juzgadas en su rol político, observándose que la reacción de algunas mujeres en cargos de poder, es adoptar formas y modelos masculinos hegemónicamente aceptado. Por lo que la investigación da cuenta sobre la naturaleza de dicho fenómeno: éste es consecuencia del modelo androcéntrico socialmente aceptado en un entorno cultural donde la masculinidad, con todos sus modelos y formas de ejercer el poder, es lo hegemónicamente aceptado.

The body of the eunuch has been a source of tremendous rhetorical (not to mention social, moral, legal and political) contestation. In the ancient world, where the predominant "single-sex" model of human sexual identity and development demanded conformity to cleary differentiated roles between men and women, the eunuch transgressed this division. The purpose of the following paper is to explore the variety of ways in which the eunuch body was (and continues to be) confronted, constrained and defined by a "natural" heterosexist ideology striving to maintain its hegemony over sex-gender identity.

Respect for different sexual options and orientations prevents the occurrence of hate crimes against lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and intersex (LGTBI) persons for this reason. Our aim was to review the legislation that protects the rights of LGTBI people and to quantify the victimization rates of hate crimes based on sexual identity and orientation. A retrospective observational study was conducted across all regions of Spain from 2011?2021. The laws on LGTBI rights in each region were identified. Hate crime victimization data on sexual identity and orientation were collected in annual rates per 100,000 inhabitants, annual percentage change and average change during the study period to assess the trend. The regulatory development of laws against discrimination against LGTBI individuals is heterogeneous across regions. Overall, in Spain there is an upward trend in the number of hate crime victimizations motivated by sexual identity or orientation. The effectiveness of data collection, thanks to better training and awareness of police forces regarding hate crimes and the processes of data cleansing and consolidation contributes to a greater visibility of hate crimes against LGTBI people.

Respect for different sexual options and orientations prevents the occurrence of hate crimes against lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and intersex (LGTBI) persons for this reason. Our aim was to review the legislation that protects the rights of LGTBI people and to quantify the victimization rates of hate crimes based on sexual identity and orientation. A retrospective observational study was conducted across all regions of Spain from 2011–2021. The laws on LGTBI rights in each region were identified. Hate crime victimization data on sexual identity and orientation were collected in annual rates per 100,000 inhabitants, annual percentage change and average change during the study period to assess the trend. The regulatory development of laws against discrimination against LGTBI individuals is heterogeneous across regions. Overall, in Spain there is an upward trend in the number of hate crime victimizations motivated by sexual identity or orientation. The effectiveness of data collection, thanks to better training and awareness of police forces regarding hate crimes and the processes of data cleansing and consolidation contributes to a greater visibility of hate crimes against LGTBI people.

This article reads the representation of trans* subjectivity in Wesley Stace's Misfortune (2005) and considers its implications for neo-Victorian studies. My argument is twofold. Firstly, I contend that Stace's novel restages responses from trans* studies to Judith Butler's early theorising in Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Woman (1990) on issues of gender and embodiment, something also explored by Butler in Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of "Sex" (1993). Secondly, I propose that, by reading Misfortune more fully through a trans* studies lens, Stace's novel elucidates greater insight into trans* identity than hitherto has been recognised. In situating these points side-by-side, I consider the ways that neo-Victorian studies could engage more widely with the nuances of debates relating to – and issues arising from – gender theories, and consider how this flourishing genre engages more widely with LGBTQIA+ politics than is often explored.

The social weight of transsexual groups has been and continues to be crucial in many aspects regarding transsexuality, from the progressive elimination of discrimination to influence in the legislative branch. This paper especially discusses a classic demand of these groups, comprehensive medical treatment of transsexual people within the National Health System. Thus, progress in the development of an adequate healthcare system for these groups, their treatment in the legal systems of Spain in general and of some of its autonomous communities with more noteworthy laws (especially in Andalusia, an autonomous community that has been pioneering in this regard, as well as the Basque Country and Navarre) and remaining challenges will be observed in this work. The article will also take particular note of the substantial developments that the publication of the Fifth Edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders has established in this area. ; El fenómeno de la transexualidad es un asunto en el que el peso social, en concreto de los colectivos transexuales, ha sido y sigue siendo crucial en muchos aspectos, desde la progresiva eliminación de la discriminación hasta la influencia para que el poder legislativo se pronuncie. En este artículo de investigación se tratará especialmente una de las reivindicaciones clásicas del colectivo, esto es, el tratamiento sanitario integral de la persona transexual dentro del Sistema Nacional de Salud. En este sentido, se observarán los avances en el desarrollo de un sistema sanitario adecuado para este colectivo, su tratamiento por parte de los distintos ordenamientos jurídicos en España, en general, y en alguna de sus comunidades autónomas con legislaciones más destacables (en especial Andalucía como comunidad autónoma pionera, el País Vasco y la Comunidad Foral de Navarra) y los retos pendientes, haciendo una especial investigación en torno a las sustanciales novedades que ha implantado en este ámbito la publicación de la quinta edición del Manual diagnóstico y estadístico de los trastornos mentales.

In the wake of marriage equality, opponents of LGBT rights refocused their attention, making transgender rights their main target. To persuade voters to maintain gender identity antidiscrimination protections, LGBT rights campaigns presented trans identity in a specific, but limited, way. These campaigns emphasized gender-conforming transgender individuals—those who adhere to male and female stereotypes—and thereby implicitly reinforced the gender binary. Although LGBT advocates have largely succeeded in their efforts to preserve LGBT rights, their messaging may undermine the movement's broader litigation strategy and subject nonbinary members of the transgender community to greater discrimination and persecution. The trans rights framing choices thus raise questions about how the LGBT movement's advocacy decisions blur the lines between success and failure, advancement and retrenchment. To explain this tension, this Article details the history of marriage equality campaign strategies, drawing on primary source campaign materials to identify how and why LGBT rights groups applied those frames to trans rights, as well as the consequences of those framing choices. This Article then analyzes the motivations behind social movements' framing decisions more broadly to argue for an alternative approach to trans rights advocacy. Framing trans rights is a significant issue that extends far beyond whether a specific city or state maintains or eliminates its gender identity protections. Although framing in an electoral campaign may seem far removed from the work of courts, legislatures, and administrative agencies, this Article demonstrates how porous the boundaries are, such that the frames of the former have a substantial impact on the latter. Drawing on the scholarly literature on acoustic separation, popular constitutionalism, and slippery slopes, this Article explains why LGBT state and local ballot measure contests cannot be separated from the movement's broader strategies. It therefore demonstrates that electoral ...

This paper argues the case for critical regional enquiries in East and South East Asia into the study of gender and sexual diversity. The concept of 'regions' is here seen as a partial and provisional way of describing both the various ways in which an area of the world is imagined as being separate and distinct, and of describing the flows of people, goods and ideas through which a particular region or world area is made. Further, it is suggested that the idea of regions is a theoretically and politically necessary fiction. On the one hand, a critical regional perspective provides a vantage point from which to problematize naïve and uncritical writing on globalization, including the 'globalization' of gender and sexual identities. On the other hand, it enables us to think about the wider networks of material and symbolic relations within, and through which, gender and sexuality are made and experienced in particular locales.

This paper argues the case for critical regional enquiries in East and South East Asia into the study of gender and sexual diversity. The concept of 'regions' is here seen as a partial and provisional way of describing both the various ways in which an area of the world is imagined as being separate and distinct, and of describing the flows of people, goods and ideas through which a particular region or world area is made. Further, it is suggested that the idea of regions is a theoretically and politically necessary fiction. On the one hand, a critical regional perspective provides a vantage point from which to problematize naïve and uncritical writing on globalization, including the 'globalization' of gender and sexual identities. On the other hand, it enables us to think about the wider networks of material and symbolic relations within, and through which, gender and sexuality are made and experienced in particular locales.

10/28/2020 New Cross Cultural and Gender Center debuts this fall on campus – Fresno State News www.fresnostatenews.com/2015/08/20/new-cross-cultural-and-gender-center-debuts-this-fall-on-campus/ 1/4 NEW CROSS CULTURAL AND GENDER CENTER DEBUTSTHIS FALL ON CAMPUS Home | PRESS RELEASES | New Cross Cultural and Gender Center debuts this fall on campus Previous  Next  The new Cross Cultural and Gender Center is now open to provide moreservices and resources to Fresno State's diverse student population andcontinue ful􀃕􍕬lling the University's diversity goals. Recruitment for volunteer peer counselors/educators for the upcomingacademic year is now underway. The Peers Supporting Peers programsupports students in crisis and helps students with problem solving indi􀃞􍹣cult school and life situations. The program evolves from the Center for Women and Culture, whichhoused the now defunct Central Valley Cultural Heritage Institute and theWomen's Resource Center. Several of the programs will continue withinthe new, upgraded center. Dr. Frank Lamas, vice president for student a􀃠􎁡airs and enrollmentmanagement, said the center will allow colleagues across campus topartner in addressing matters of diversity and inclusion to achieve the       Search . SECTIONS ACADEMICS  CAMPUS &COMMUNITY  RESEARCH  ALUMNI  PRESS RELEASES  FEATURED VIDEOS  NEWS SOURCES Fresno StateMagazine  CommunityNewsletter  Fresno State  The Collegian  Bulldog Blog  ACADEMICS CAMPUS & COMMUNITY RESEARCH ALUMNI ATHLETICS FEATURED VIDEOS  ABOUT PRESS RELEASES MEDIA GUIDE ARCHIVES10/28/2020 New Cross Cultural and Gender Center debuts this fall on campus – Fresno State News www.fresnostatenews.com/2015/08/20/new-cross-cultural-and-gender-center-debuts-this-fall-on-campus/ 2/4 center's vision of "creating and maintaining a campus of respect, inclusionand equal opportunity; where all members of the campus communitythrive, free from oppression and discrimination." The University de􀃕􍕮nes diversity as individual di􀃠􎁥erences (personality,language, learning styles and life experiences) and group/socialdi􀃠􎁥erences (race/ethnicity, class, gender, gender identity, sexualorientation and sexual identity, country of origin and ability status as wellas cultural, political, religious or other a􀃞􍹬liations) that can be engaged inthe service of learning. "Welcoming every group and every issue counts when it comes todiversity at Fresno State," Lamas said. "We encourage input andparticipation from every aspect of the University community as wecontinue to work toward being an ever more culturally competentinstitution of higher education." The new center is part of the Division of Student A􀃠􎁡airs and EnrollmentManagement and will be under the direction of Dr. Francine L. Oputa, who was previously director of the Central Valley Cultural Heritage Instituteand the Women's Resource Center. The new center will focus on three areas: Gender programs and services (inclusive of women, men,transgender, pangender, gender􀃖􍙵uid and other non-binary genderidentities ) Cross-cultural programs and services LGBTQ+ programs and services Oputa, with the assistance of graduate and undergraduate students, willfocus on programs for African American, European American, AsianPaci􀃕􍕣c Islander and all other ethnic and cultural groups. Assigned to coordinate the various areas are: Jessica Adams, former coordinator of the Women's ResourceCenter , who will coordinate gender programs and services andLGBTQ programs and services Ofelia Gamez, College Assistance Migrant Program director, whowill coordinate Latino/Latina programs and services Katie Garcia, University Outreach Services counselor, who will focuson American Indian students, as part of the American IndianRecruitment and Resource Initiative Go Bulldogs  Videos  Social MediaDirectory  10/28/2020 New Cross Cultural and Gender Center debuts this fall on campus – Fresno State News www.fresnostatenews.com/2015/08/20/new-cross-cultural-and-gender-center-debuts-this-fall-on-campus/ 3/4 By Tom Uribes | August 20th, 2015 | Categories: PRESS RELEASES | Tags: crosscultural and gender center | 0 Comments SHARE THIS STORY, CHOOSE YOUR PLATFORM!     University events such as the one-day National Coalition Building Institute diversity workshop for faculty, sta􀃠􎀠 and students and Diversity AwarenessWeek will continue to be presented by the new center. The 2015-16schedule is available online. Gender programs and services will continue to organize student clubs,o􀃠􎁥er weekly discussion groups and host annual events such as Take Backthe Night and Women's Herstory Month . The center includes volunteer peer counselors/educators who meet withstudents to provide support, advocacy and referrals. They receive over 25hours of training from on- and o􀃠􎀭-campus organizations on topics such asproblem solving, crisis intervention, suicide prevention and reportingmandates. Volunteer applications for the upcoming academic year are available inthe Thomas Administration Building , Room 110. The center's $300,000 budget is funded by the Division of Student A􀃠􎁡airsand Enrollment Management and the O􀃞􍹣ce of the President. For more information about the Cross Cultural and Gender Center, visit www/fresnostate.edu/studenta􀃠􎁡airs/ccgc . To get involved, contact559.278.4435 or idaliam@csufresno.edu . ( Erika Denise Castañon , University Communications news assistant,contributed to this copy.) Related links Cross Cultural and Gender Center Student A􀃠􎁡airs and Enrollment Management Non-binary gender identities Download Adobe Acrobat Reader10/28/2020 New Cross Cultural and Gender Center debuts this fall on campus – Fresno State News www.fresnostatenews.com/2015/08/20/new-cross-cultural-and-gender-center-debuts-this-fall-on-campus/ 4/4 RELATED POSTS SAÚL JIMÉNEZ-SANDOVALAPPOINTEDINTERIM PRESIDENTOF FRESNO STATE October 28th, 2020 | 0Comments TRANSPORTATIONINSTITUTE RELEASESPROMISINGFINDINGS OFCOVID-19 PUBLICTRANSIT STUDY October 28th, 2020 | 0Comments NURSING MUNIT CONTFREE HEALSERVICES OWEST FRES October 27th, Comments Fresno State News Hub isthe primary source ofinformation about currentevents a􀃠􎁥ecting CaliforniaState University, Fresno, itsstudents, faculty and sta􀃠􎀻;providing an archive ofnews articles, videos andphotos, as well as links tomajor resources on campusas a service to theuniversity community. CONTACT US CALIFORNIA STATEUNIVERSITY, FRESNO 5241 N. 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A obra de Paul Durcan encontra uma das suas feições mais atraentes no modo como reconhece fronteiras e explora travessias. As linhas divisórias que a sua poesia cruza regularmente são de vários tipos: são semióticas e intermediais, quando Durcan interpela verbalmente representações noutros sistemas de significação - em particular nas artes visuais; são culturais e políticas, envolvendo o processamento poético de circunstâncias irlandesas ou globais; e questionam identidades de gênero, salientando as perplexidades de mulheres e homens como sujeitos e objetos de uma multiplicidade de inscrições. Este ensaio aborda a escrita (literalmente) transgressiva de Durcan e os desafios intelectuais e disciplinares que ela comporta, ao interrogar o modo como lemos poemas e imagens, mas também como aceitamos a auto-contenção de configurações políticas e identitárias. ; The poetry of Paul Durcan finds one of its major attractions in its acknowledgement and crossing of boundaries. Such borderlines are of various types: they are semiotic and intermedial, involving Paul Durcan's deployment of verbal resources to co-opt or challenge representations in other systems of signification - especially visual media; they are cultural and political, concerning the poet's processing of elements from both Irish and global cultures; and they are those proper to gendered identities, highlighting the positions of men and women as both subjects and objects of a variety of inscriptions. This essay approaches Durcan's (literally) transgressive writing and the intellectual and disciplinary challenges it poses by questioning our ability to read poems and pictures, and accept the ostensible selfcontainment of political conformations and modes of identity.

Feminist Security Studies has focused on expanding the referent object to individuals and non-state collectives, looking beyond the military sector to include questions of identity, and uncovering (in)security in unexpected places. An important part of this debate is over silence, particularly about how certain individuals are silenced and how they might be brought into view. This article looks at the ways images can be used to make gender-specific security problems visible. It holds that text, images, and practices interact to construct (in)security and it outlines a tripartite text-image-practice model for analysing these interactions. Through a case-study of the British women's suffrage movement it illustrates the potential of the text-image-practice model. The suffrage movement leveraged visuals, militancy, and practices like hunger striking to resist attempted silencing by the government across textual, verbal and visual planes. Using the suffrage campaign, the article shows how posters were used to try to silence Suffragettes and how Suffragettes resisted that silencing. Thus, it demonstrates that images are important sites of feminist resistance and security politics that can also communicate a politics of the body. The article also offers an illustration of how historical cases of gender insecurity and resistance as well as their visualisation can be brought into Feminist Security Studies.

This brief is about the relationship between identifying as a transgender veteran, military sexual trauma, and mental health disorders. In policy and practice, transgender veterans who have experienced military sexual trauma should discuss the trauma history with a mental health provider, and health care providers should work with transgender veterans to connect them with proper counseling services. The DoD should work to reduce gender identity stigma within the military and the VA should research MST treatment effectiveness among transgender veterans. Suggestions for future research include using self-rated identity as a variable and determining more about the effectiveness of MST treatments for transgender veterans.

Often stereotyped as being apathetic to the human suffering, the American vegan movement has historically failed to build alliances with other social justice movements. As intersectional feminism gains a foothold in the movement and external political crises challenge the movement's frame of reference, the role that identity plays in movement progress has become a serious concern. Using the 2016 election as a flashpoint, this article considers if the identity backlash characterized by the Trump campaign finds parallels in the American vegan movement. A survey of 287 American vegans finds limited evidence of Trump veganism, defined here as a single-issue focus on speciesism that rejects the relevance of human-experienced systems of oppression. However, respondents do find that movement diversity efforts are insufficient, especially when controlling for race and gender. Most respondents were ethically-motivated vegans, liberal voters, and intersectionally-oriented activists who reported multiple engagements with various leftist movements. Only four percent of respondents voted Trump, while 14% agreed with or were neutral about Trump's campaign promise to put "America first". Those who were vegan for reasons of self-interest and had been vegan for less than a year were significantly more likely to support Trump's conservative agenda and were slightly less likely to participate in other social movements.