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Abstract: On May 9th, 2012, the Argentinean Senate converted into law the long collective process, driven by trans* activism, towards the legal recognition of gender identity. The Gender Identity Act (GIA) meant a large contribution to the field of civil and sexual rights interationally, especially in the matter of trans* policy. Nevertheless, what was at stake in the approval of the GIA was not just a step forward in legal terms and at a personal level for trans* people, but a whole set of representations, desires and social stakes on trans* lives and population. Thus, as regards to the scope and achievements of the GIA and its social and parliamentary debates, we can assert that in that realm a specific trans* life does not qualify as a living life. This article addresses the specific ways of presentation and apprehension of trans* lives in parliamentary debates about the GIA, and in social disputes within trans* activism. A biopolitical analysis of gender identity leads us to rethink the social conditions that sustain life and, by the same token, the interpretative frameworks of death.Keywords: Gender Identity; Law; Trans*; Biopolitics; NecropoliticsNecropolíticas trans*: Ley de identidad de género en ArgentinaResumen: El 9 de Mayo de 2012, el Senado Argentino convirtió en ley lo que fuera un largo proceso colectivo impulsado por el activismo trans*, la llamada Ley de Reconocimiento a la Identidad de Género. La Ley de Identidad de Género (LIDG) significó un gran aporte de escala internacional en materia de derechos sexuales y civiles, y en particular, en materia de política trans*. No obstante, lo que estaba en juego en la aprobación de la LIDG significaba no sólo un avance de carácter personal y global en términos jurídicos, sino también un conjunto de representaciones, deseos y apuestas sociales sobre la población y la vida trans*. A tenor de los alcances y logros de la LIDG y sus respectivos debates, tanto sociales como parlamentarios, puede sostenerse que en ellos una vida concreta, una vida trans*, no califica como vida viva. El artículo propone una reflexión crítica sobre los modos específicos de presentación y aprehensión de una vida trans*, sea en los distintos debates parlamentarios en torno a la LIDG, sea en las disputas sociales del activismo trans*. Desde un análisis biopolítico sobre la identidad de género, el texto busca repensar las condiciones sociales que sostienen la vida y, por lo mismo, aquellos marcos interpretativos de la muerte.Palabras clave: Identidad de Género; Ley; Trans*; Biopolítica; NecropolíticaNecropolíticas trans*: Lei de Identidade de Gênero na ArgentinaResumo: Em 9 de maio de 2012, o Senado argentino converteu em lei o que fora um longo processo coletivo impulsionado pelo ativismo trans*, a chamada Lei de Reconhecimento da Identidade de Gênero. A Lei de Identidade de Gênero (LIDG) significou uma grande contribuição de escala internacional em matéria de direitos sexuais e civis e, em particular, em matéria de política trans*. No entanto, o que estava em jogo na aprovação da LIDG significava não só um avanço de caráter pessoal e global em termos jurídicos, mas além disso um conjunto de representações, desejos e apostas sociais sobre a população e a vida trans*. Nesse sentido, se nos ativermos aos alcances e êxitos da LIDG e aos seus respectivos debates tão sociais como parlamentares, poderemos sustentar que neles uma vida concreta, uma vida trans*, não se qualifica como vida viva. O presente artigo se propõe a uma reflexão crítica sobre os modos específicos de apresentação e de apreensão de uma vida trans*, seja nos distintos debates parlamentares em torno da LIDG, seja nas disputas sociais do ativismo trans*. A partir de uma análise biopolítica sobre a identidade de gênero, vamos repensar as condições sociais que sustentam a vida e, pela mesma razão, aqueles marcos interpretativos da morte.Palavras-chave: identidade de gênero; Lei; trans*; biopolítica; necropolítica ; Last May 9, 2012, the Argentinian Senate turned into a law what was a long colective process driven by trans activism, the so called Gender Identity Acknowledgemente Law. The Gender Identity Law, meant a large step forward at an international level in the sexual and civil rights field, and specifically in the Trans politics subject. Nontheless, what was concerned in the approval of the GIL implied not only an advance at a personal and global level in legal terms, but also a set of representations, desires and social pledges over Trans population and life. Theoretically, if we adjust to the scope of the GIL'S achievements, we can state that a concrete life, a Trans life, does not qualify as a living life. The following lines are centered in a critical consideration over the specific ways of presenting and understanding a Trans life, both in the variety of parliamentary debates regarding the GIL as in the social disputes withing Trans activism itself. From a biopolitical approach over gender identity, we plan to rethink the social conditions that sustain life, and consecuently, the interpretative frames of death.

This study is an attempt to examine the role of performativity in forming and determining gender identity in a society. This study included articles and books that were written about language, gender, identity of a gender and also politics of performativity. These studies were analyzed qualitatively and quantitatively. The result of these analyzing shows gender identity is not natural or innate. Rather it takes its meaning from the inside of a person. This formation is influenced by the thoughts and ideas of society about gender and identity. It is clear gender and also gender identity constructed by language, then language goes into behavior, it, finally, begins to shape peoples identities. It means that gender and identity of gender are formed and determined by language and behavior; peoples acts.

Any legislation which intends to implement the values enshrined in the European Convention on Human Rights, the European Charter of Fundamental Rights and the Constitution of Malta is to be welcomed. The values which inspire and shape Europe, such as respect for human dignity, freedom, tolerance and equality, proportionality, human rights and democracy, justice and solidarity, and the rule of law, are to be interpreted not as a catalogue of entitlements but as a necessary precondition of a 'culture of dignity' in which every citizen, irrespective of nationality, status, sexual orientation, gender, age or achievement, lives in an inclusive culture of recognition between human beings. All persons and minority groups are to be recognized as belonging to the same moral and civic community as the majority. The legislation, which is being proposed on gender identity, gender expression and sex characteristics, is seeking to address the needs of a category of people who very often find it socially hard and painful in trying to deal with a fundamental dimension of their own self-identity. It is certainly a step in the right direction for society to take the necessary measures, including appropropriate legislation, to create those conditions that enable everyone, above all those whose vulnerability exposes them to multiple disadvantages, to live with dignity and to exercise their lawful rights. While there is no clear-cut answer as to the required kind of legislation on the matter, it is important to recognize the complexity of the problem and be guided by a set of ethical principles which can help one to find the right kind of balance between the rights of the individual and the legitimate interests of others and the community as a whole. [Excerpt] ; non peer-reviewed

Approximately 80,000 LGBT workers in Kentucky are not explicitly protected from discrimination under state or federal laws. Seven localities in Kentucky prohibit discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity in private and public sector employment, and state government employees are protected. If sexual orientation and gender identity were added to existing statewide non-discrimination laws, 38 more complaints would be filed in Kentucky each year. The cost of enforcing those complaints would be negligible, and would not require additional court or administrative staff.

Approximately 7,500 LGBT workers in Georgia are vulnerable to employment discrimination due to a lack of state legal protections. At least 35 localities and many private corporations based in Georgia have personnel policies that prohibit employment discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity. While Georgia law protects state workers from discrimination based on personal characteristics including race, religion, national origin, sex, disability, and age, it does not include sexual orientation or gender identity. In response to a 2013 survey, 79% of voters surveyed in Georgia said that it should be, or probably should be, illegal for government employers in the state to discriminate against their employees based on sexual orientation or gender identity. Findings from the Georgia report are consistent with national data. A 2013 Pew Research Center survey found that 21 percent of LGBT respondents had been treated unfairly by an employer in hiring, pay, or promotions. In 2010, 78 percent of respondents to the largest survey of transgender people reported having experienced harassment or mistreatment at work.

Approximately 66,000 LGBT workers in South Carolina are vulnerable to employment discrimination absent state legal protections. Four localities in South Carolina prohibit public sector employment discrimination against LGBT people. Only 18% of the state's labor force works in those localities, and only a small proportion of those workers are employed by their local governments. Currently none of South Carolina's LGBT-inclusive local ordinances prohibit discrimination in private employment. Findings from the South Carolina report are consistent with national data. A 2013 Pew Research Center survey found that 21 percent of LGBT respondents had been treated unfairly by an employer in hiring, pay, or promotions. In 2010, 78 percent of respondents to the largest national survey of transgender people to date reported having experienced harassment or mistreatment at work, and 47 percent reported having been discriminated against in hiring, promotion, or job retention because of their gender identity.

Approximately 159,000 LGBT workers in North Carolina are not expressly protected from discrimination under state or federal laws. At least 14 localities in the state offer some protections for LGBT workers through local ordinances or personnel policies, however, these laws apply only to local government employees. As a result, 98% of North Carolina's workforce has no explicit legal protection from discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity. Public opinion in the state supports the passage of statewide legal protections for LGBT people. Adding sexual orientation and gender identity to existing statewide non-discrimination laws would result in 58 additional complaints being filed in the state each year; 50 filed by private sector workers in the courts, and eight filed administratively by government workers. The cost of enforcing the additional complaints would be negligible, and would not require additional court or administrative staff.

Approximately 6,800 LGBT workers in North Dakota are not explicitly protected from discrimination under state or federal laws. Discrimination against LGBT employees has been documented in surveys, legislative testimony, the media, and in reports to community-based organizations. Many corporate employers and public opinion in North Dakota support protections for LGBT people in the workplace. If sexual orientation and gender identity were added to existing statewide non-discrimination laws, three more complaints would be filed in North Dakota each year. The cost of enforcing those complaints would most likely be negligible, and would not require additional court or administrative staff.

Approximately 66,000 LGBT workers in South Carolina are vulnerable to employment discrimination absent state legal protections. Four localities in South Carolina prohibit public sector employment discrimination against LGBT people. Only 18% of the state's labor force works in those localities, and only a small proportion of those workers are employed by their local governments. Currently none of South Carolina's LGBT-inclusive local ordinances prohibit discrimination in private employment. Findings from the South Carolina report are consistent with national data. A 2013 Pew Research Center survey found that 21 percent of LGBT respondents had been treated unfairly by an employer in hiring, pay, or promotions. In 2010, 78 percent of respondents to the largest national survey of transgender people to date reported having experienced harassment or mistreatment at work, and 47 percent reported having been discriminated against in hiring, promotion, or job retention because of their gender identity.

The Sri-Lankan author Shyam Selvadurai colours his imagination within the racial experiences, gender hierarchy and ethical society of the place to share the world unfolded social dichotomy of the place where the conflict between the Tamils and Singhalese is the key problem of the society which needs to be changed and flexible granting freedom and choice to people promoting the democratic values and the social values as well. The novel Funny Boy paints beautifully to the urge of a child for his choice and freedom on the sensitive issue of race and gender like. The violence between Buddhist Sinhala Majority people and Hindu Tamil Minority due to the issue of homosexuality is central cultural thread which affects the mindset of the youths in the country. The novel reveals the extended chaos, troubles and tensed environment involving consistent fights and clashes of the people in Sri-Lankan society happening frequently.

Se presenta el caso de un escolar de 6 años —identificada como J– que presenta genitales externos ambiguos desde su nacimiento. Por recomendación médica, fue registrado como varón por sus padres; sin embargo, pruebas posteriores (imágenes diagnósticas y cariotipo) indicaron que el infante era, biológicamente, de sexo femenino. Ante este evento, sus padres inician un proceso judicial con el fin de cambiar su nombre, por lo que el juez ordena la valoración psiquiátrica forense para determinar su verdadero sexo1. Del estudio forense se concluye que es de sexo femenino, posteriormente se comunica el resultado a la autoridad y se autoriza la corrección del nombre en el registro civil.1 Solicitud literal del juzgado de familia. ; This is the case of a six-year-old schoolchild —identified as J— who was born with ambiguous external genitalia. Upon medical recommendation, the child was registered as male by the parents; however, further testing (diagnostic imaging and karyotyping) showed that the child was biologically female. Based on this, the parents started the judicial process to change their child's name, and the judge ordered a forensic psychiatric evaluation to determine the child's true sex1. When the forensic study concluded that the child's sex was female, the result was transmitted to government authorities and the name was corrected in the child's civil registry.1 Literal request from the court

Over the past decade, national and transnational organizations have advanced the cause of individuals who seek international protection from persecution based on their sexual orientation and gender identity and expression (SOGIE). To help actualize the vision of international protection from SOGIE-based persecution, the Organization for Refuge, Asylum, and Migration (ORAM) developed and designed a two-day workshop for professionals. This workshop, which is titled Sexual and Gender Minorities: What Refugee Professionals Need to Know and Do, is intended to professionalize frontline workers for engagement with and protection of refugees fleeing from SOGIE-based persecution. The workshop was implemented in 13 countries: Australia, India, Israel, Jordan, Kenya, Malaysia, Malta, New Zealand, Senegal, Switzerland, Trinidad, Turkey, and the United States. Several of these countries are considered to be hostile environments for LGBTI individuals.

Häftets samlingstitel: Unveiling the feminism of Islam. AnA society for Feminist Analyses ; "Close personal relationships, children and the family: Ethical and Political Analysis against a Changing Background"

The framework of health and human rights provides for a comprehensive theoretical and practical application of general human rights principles in health care contexts that include the well-being of patients, providers, and other individuals within health care. This is particularly important for sexual and gender minority individuals, who experience historical and contemporary systematical marginalization, exclusion, and discrimination in health care contexts. In this paper, I present two case studies from South Africa to (1) highlight the conflicts that arise when sexual and gender minority individuals seek access to a heteronormative health system; (2) discuss the international, regional, and national human rights legal framework as it pertains to sexual orientation, gender identity, and health; and (3) analyze the gap between legislative frameworks that offer protection from discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity and their actual implementation in health service provision. These case studies highlight the complex and intersecting discrimination and marginalization that sexual and gender minority individuals face in health care in this particular context. The issues raised in the case studies are not unique to South Africa, however; and the human rights concerns illustrated therein, particularly around the right to health, have wide resonance in other geographical and social contexts.

The present study is concerned with exploring the linguistic identity construction of Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton in the context of USA 2008 Democratic Party primaries. Thus, their speeches are examined in order to detect the aspects of identity that each politician resorted to in the process of projecting a political identity. The study, however, takes a special interest in the ways in which gender identity is projected by Obama and Clinton. Moreover, the notions of gender bias as well as gender representations are also investigated. ; Diese vorliegende Studie untersucht die linguistische Identitätskonstruktion von Barack Obama und Hillary Clinton während der Vorwahlen der Demokraten 2008 in den USA. Dabei werden die Reden beider Kandidaten untersucht, um diejenigen Identitätsaspekte auszumachen. Insbesondere wird hierbei auf den Geschlechteraspekt eingegangen, und wie dieser von Obama und Clinton verwendet wird. Zudem werden unter anderem die Begriffe des geschlechtsbezogenen Verzerrungsprozesses als auch der Geschlechterdarstellung untersucht.