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SUMMARY This paper investigates the relations of the social, political, economic and societal movement feminism insofar as it affects theatre within the statistics of the field, methods of creative process and its expression. The statistics released in 2019 indicate that Lithuania has not made any progress in the field of gender equality since 2005, and therefore it is crucial to examine how systematic and internalized sexism correlates with artistic and social – societal processes. This paper is divided into four parts and acts as a full-fledged study of feminism in theatre using diverse perspectives. This research uses the premise of women as "Other" proposed by Simone de Beauvoir: contemplating on woman, which was created by and for Man, it aims to give feminism a time and location frame, describe its waves and find its manifestation within theatre in general terms. In the second part, the author offers an innovative approach to the organisation of creative process by including feminism as a creative strategy. This strategy aims not only for the world portrayed on stage, but also for rehearsal processes and structuration of work, contextualisation, and usage of the tools proposed by intersectional feminism. In the third part, potentially adverse effects of feminism are discussed i.e. censorship and euphemizing of rhetoric and phenomena in theatrical discourses. The last part, studies the example of the show "Requiem for a Woman" (dir. Uršulė Bartoševičiūtė, produced by Lithuanian State Youth Theatre, Lithuanian Music and Theatre Academy and Iceland University of the Arts, premiered at culture bar KABLYS+CULTURE on 19 and 20 of August 2020). The creative process where feminism was employed as a creative strategy and stimulated a healthy dialogue amongst all members of the creative team is scrutinized in this part. This research aspires to create a supplemented theatrical theory and practice that is capable of encompassing and systematizing the need of intersectional feminism in theatre.

The aim of masters paper "Reflection of Social Role Change in Diplomatic Protocol" is to examine how change of gender roles works in diplomatic protocol. In order to achieve this aim the following tasks are raised: 1. to analyze gender roles change from the XIV to the XX century; 2. to analyze ceremonial in terms of gender roles; 3. to conduct case studies and a qualitative interview with the protocol specialist which would revealed the practice of diplomatic protocol adaption to the changed gender roles; 4. to present findings. To achieve master's paper aim the fallowing methods are used: descriptive, analytical, statistical data and research, qualitative content analysis methods, case studies and qualitative interview with the protocol specialist. Master work consists of three sections. The object of master work is diplomatic and state protocol. In international relations, diplomacy and politics – the spheres long dominated by men – women had to conform and adopt rules of behavior which regulated conduct of men. However, the increasing number of precedents, when women are acting the main role in ceremonies, will be set up clear, specific rules for conduct of women. The change will be reinforced by actively acting women becoming a social norm. When rules of conduct for women will be in power, there will be no need to resolve problems of changed gender roles every time individually. Master work "Reflection of Social Role Change in Diplomatic Protocol" may be useful for further diplomatic protocol change factors research.

The aim of masters paper "Reflection of Social Role Change in Diplomatic Protocol" is to examine how change of gender roles works in diplomatic protocol. In order to achieve this aim the following tasks are raised: 1. to analyze gender roles change from the XIV to the XX century; 2. to analyze ceremonial in terms of gender roles; 3. to conduct case studies and a qualitative interview with the protocol specialist which would revealed the practice of diplomatic protocol adaption to the changed gender roles; 4. to present findings. To achieve master's paper aim the fallowing methods are used: descriptive, analytical, statistical data and research, qualitative content analysis methods, case studies and qualitative interview with the protocol specialist. Master work consists of three sections. The object of master work is diplomatic and state protocol. In international relations, diplomacy and politics – the spheres long dominated by men – women had to conform and adopt rules of behavior which regulated conduct of men. However, the increasing number of precedents, when women are acting the main role in ceremonies, will be set up clear, specific rules for conduct of women. The change will be reinforced by actively acting women becoming a social norm. When rules of conduct for women will be in power, there will be no need to resolve problems of changed gender roles every time individually. Master work "Reflection of Social Role Change in Diplomatic Protocol" may be useful for further diplomatic protocol change factors research.

A great number of men affected by rapid social, economic and political developments suffer severe marginalization due to their age, class, sexuality, disability and ethnicity in Lithuania. ,is paper examines the intersection of social marginalization, sexuality and masculinity. Using a Lithuanian male sex worker's case, it argues that a dysfunctional family, poor employment and educational history and low socioeconomic status made his choice of sex work the means of survival. Differently from studies conducted in Europe and North America that suggest that enjoyment of sex was, in many cases, a reason for working as an escort, pleasurable sexual interactions with clients were not a critical reason for involvement in escorting in this case. ,e paper is based on an extensive semi-structured interview with a 27-year old male escort. ,e interview demonstrates that the Lithuanian sex worker both confirms and deconstructs the traditional male sexual script of erotic adventures (Gagnon and Simon 1973, 1984). On the one hand, he plays an active role both in sexual and non-sexual encounters and tries to look and act like a real man aspiring to the institutional gender script of hegemonic masculinity. On the other hand, he minimizes the risk in dealing with clients by not engaging in an unsafe sex, declining unwanted sexual practices and rejecting drugs. Besides pleasant memories of his generously paying clients who bolstered his sense of self, the escort is susceptible to societal condemnation, stigma, and self-doubt because he clearly considers his work as a conscious deviation from sexual and gender norms. Othering himself, the respondent expresses a subjective feeling of hopelessness and powerlessness that makes him miserable. Both powerlessness and the lack of imaginable future create a sense of his wounded and injured masculinity.

A great number of men affected by rapid social, economic and political developments suffer severe marginalization due to their age, class, sexuality, disability and ethnicity in Lithuania. ,is paper examines the intersection of social marginalization, sexuality and masculinity. Using a Lithuanian male sex worker's case, it argues that a dysfunctional family, poor employment and educational history and low socioeconomic status made his choice of sex work the means of survival. Differently from studies conducted in Europe and North America that suggest that enjoyment of sex was, in many cases, a reason for working as an escort, pleasurable sexual interactions with clients were not a critical reason for involvement in escorting in this case. ,e paper is based on an extensive semi-structured interview with a 27-year old male escort. ,e interview demonstrates that the Lithuanian sex worker both confirms and deconstructs the traditional male sexual script of erotic adventures (Gagnon and Simon 1973, 1984). On the one hand, he plays an active role both in sexual and non-sexual encounters and tries to look and act like a real man aspiring to the institutional gender script of hegemonic masculinity. On the other hand, he minimizes the risk in dealing with clients by not engaging in an unsafe sex, declining unwanted sexual practices and rejecting drugs. Besides pleasant memories of his generously paying clients who bolstered his sense of self, the escort is susceptible to societal condemnation, stigma, and self-doubt because he clearly considers his work as a conscious deviation from sexual and gender norms. Othering himself, the respondent expresses a subjective feeling of hopelessness and powerlessness that makes him miserable. Both powerlessness and the lack of imaginable future create a sense of his wounded and injured masculinity.

A great number of men affected by rapid social, economic and political developments suffer severe marginalization due to their age, class, sexuality, disability and ethnicity in Lithuania. ,is paper examines the intersection of social marginalization, sexuality and masculinity. Using a Lithuanian male sex worker's case, it argues that a dysfunctional family, poor employment and educational history and low socioeconomic status made his choice of sex work the means of survival. Differently from studies conducted in Europe and North America that suggest that enjoyment of sex was, in many cases, a reason for working as an escort, pleasurable sexual interactions with clients were not a critical reason for involvement in escorting in this case. ,e paper is based on an extensive semi-structured interview with a 27-year old male escort. ,e interview demonstrates that the Lithuanian sex worker both confirms and deconstructs the traditional male sexual script of erotic adventures (Gagnon and Simon 1973, 1984). On the one hand, he plays an active role both in sexual and non-sexual encounters and tries to look and act like a real man aspiring to the institutional gender script of hegemonic masculinity. On the other hand, he minimizes the risk in dealing with clients by not engaging in an unsafe sex, declining unwanted sexual practices and rejecting drugs. Besides pleasant memories of his generously paying clients who bolstered his sense of self, the escort is susceptible to societal condemnation, stigma, and self-doubt because he clearly considers his work as a conscious deviation from sexual and gender norms. Othering himself, the respondent expresses a subjective feeling of hopelessness and powerlessness that makes him miserable. Both powerlessness and the lack of imaginable future create a sense of his wounded and injured masculinity.

The Internet and interactive social media are not only playing an increasingly important role in people's daily life, but are also becoming a widely used channel of political communication which sees a constant growth in the volume of communication content generated by politicians. Due to their features such as easy and free access, social media are available to all politicians, but no studies have so far been done in Lithuania which would analyse the extent to which the participants in the political process use the channels of social media for the purpose of political communication. In this article, the use of social media for political communication purposes is analysed from the perspective of the digital divide. The definition and concept of the digital divide are clearly described in the text. Different categories of the manifestation of this process are identified. Moreover, this article also presents the results of the research of social media as it was used by our country's politicians during the municipal elections campaign in 2011. They reveal different manifestations of the digital divide based on different demographic and social-political characteristics of politicians, such as municipality size, gender, age, education, income, political affiliation and institutional position.

The Internet and interactive social media are not only playing an increasingly important role in people's daily life, but are also becoming a widely used channel of political communication which sees a constant growth in the volume of communication content generated by politicians. Due to their features such as easy and free access, social media are available to all politicians, but no studies have so far been done in Lithuania which would analyse the extent to which the participants in the political process use the channels of social media for the purpose of political communication. In this article, the use of social media for political communication purposes is analysed from the perspective of the digital divide. The definition and concept of the digital divide are clearly described in the text. Different categories of the manifestation of this process are identified. Moreover, this article also presents the results of the research of social media as it was used by our country's politicians during the municipal elections campaign in 2011. They reveal different manifestations of the digital divide based on different demographic and social-political characteristics of politicians, such as municipality size, gender, age, education, income, political affiliation and institutional position.

The Internet and interactive social media are not only playing an increasingly important role in people's daily life, but are also becoming a widely used channel of political communication which sees a constant growth in the volume of communication content generated by politicians. Due to their features such as easy and free access, social media are available to all politicians, but no studies have so far been done in Lithuania which would analyse the extent to which the participants in the political process use the channels of social media for the purpose of political communication. In this article, the use of social media for political communication purposes is analysed from the perspective of the digital divide. The definition and concept of the digital divide are clearly described in the text. Different categories of the manifestation of this process are identified. Moreover, this article also presents the results of the research of social media as it was used by our country's politicians during the municipal elections campaign in 2011. They reveal different manifestations of the digital divide based on different demographic and social-political characteristics of politicians, such as municipality size, gender, age, education, income, political affiliation and institutional position.

The Internet and interactive social media are not only playing an increasingly important role in people's daily life, but are also becoming a widely used channel of political communication which sees a constant growth in the volume of communication content generated by politicians. Due to their features such as easy and free access, social media are available to all politicians, but no studies have so far been done in Lithuania which would analyse the extent to which the participants in the political process use the channels of social media for the purpose of political communication. In this article, the use of social media for political communication purposes is analysed from the perspective of the digital divide. The definition and concept of the digital divide are clearly described in the text. Different categories of the manifestation of this process are identified. Moreover, this article also presents the results of the research of social media as it was used by our country's politicians during the municipal elections campaign in 2011. They reveal different manifestations of the digital divide based on different demographic and social-political characteristics of politicians, such as municipality size, gender, age, education, income, political affiliation and institutional position.

The Internet and interactive social media are not only playing an increasingly important role in people's daily life, but are also becoming a widely used channel of political communication which sees a constant growth in the volume of communication content generated by politicians. Due to their features such as easy and free access, social media are available to all politicians, but no studies have so far been done in Lithuania which would analyse the extent to which the participants in the political process use the channels of social media for the purpose of political communication. In this article, the use of social media for political communication purposes is analysed from the perspective of the digital divide. The definition and concept of the digital divide are clearly described in the text. Different categories of the manifestation of this process are identified. Moreover, this article also presents the results of the research of social media as it was used by our country's politicians during the municipal elections campaign in 2011. They reveal different manifestations of the digital divide based on different demographic and social-political characteristics of politicians, such as municipality size, gender, age, education, income, political affiliation and institutional position.

The punk phenomenon has been both widely praised and criticized. For some, it has been the ultimate expression of youthful anger and rebellion, especially in the 1980s when the United States was once again returning to a white heteronormative value system and mass consumerism. For others, it is evidence of a postmodern condition where any rebellion is systematically appropriated and pacified through the consumer market. Punk subculture(s) have also been widely criticized both for their inability to live up to self-proclaimed ideals of egalitarianism and for their failure to break away from the social norms structuring larger society. In this paper, I take the rise of hardcore punk subcultures in the early 1980s and the diversification of punk, such as Riot Grrrl and Queercore, in the 1990s as a broad historical framework, while analyzing punk discourses throughout punk history in the US. In providing a broader overview of debates in various disciplines this paper aims to address some of the concerns over issues of the "holy family" of social sciences in the US, namely those of gender/sexuality, race, and class, while situating them within a historico-political context. It also discusses the theoretical considerations of subcultural and popular culture studies by analyzing primary and secondary materials within and about punk subcultures. It is common to assume that subculture, by its very nature, implies exclusivity: who is excluded and why may vary, but exclusions remain prevalent. However, in the neoliberal and identity politics era, these exclusions became more subtle even if more frequently addressed. [.]

The punk phenomenon has been both widely praised and criticized. For some, it has been the ultimate expression of youthful anger and rebellion, especially in the 1980s when the United States was once again returning to a white heteronormative value system and mass consumerism. For others, it is evidence of a postmodern condition where any rebellion is systematically appropriated and pacified through the consumer market. Punk subculture(s) have also been widely criticized both for their inability to live up to self-proclaimed ideals of egalitarianism and for their failure to break away from the social norms structuring larger society. In this paper, I take the rise of hardcore punk subcultures in the early 1980s and the diversification of punk, such as Riot Grrrl and Queercore, in the 1990s as a broad historical framework, while analyzing punk discourses throughout punk history in the US. In providing a broader overview of debates in various disciplines this paper aims to address some of the concerns over issues of the "holy family" of social sciences in the US, namely those of gender/sexuality, race, and class, while situating them within a historico-political context. It also discusses the theoretical considerations of subcultural and popular culture studies by analyzing primary and secondary materials within and about punk subcultures. It is common to assume that subculture, by its very nature, implies exclusivity: who is excluded and why may vary, but exclusions remain prevalent. However, in the neoliberal and identity politics era, these exclusions became more subtle even if more frequently addressed. [.]

The punk phenomenon has been both widely praised and criticized. For some, it has been the ultimate expression of youthful anger and rebellion, especially in the 1980s when the United States was once again returning to a white heteronormative value system and mass consumerism. For others, it is evidence of a postmodern condition where any rebellion is systematically appropriated and pacified through the consumer market. Punk subculture(s) have also been widely criticized both for their inability to live up to self-proclaimed ideals of egalitarianism and for their failure to break away from the social norms structuring larger society. In this paper, I take the rise of hardcore punk subcultures in the early 1980s and the diversification of punk, such as Riot Grrrl and Queercore, in the 1990s as a broad historical framework, while analyzing punk discourses throughout punk history in the US. In providing a broader overview of debates in various disciplines this paper aims to address some of the concerns over issues of the "holy family" of social sciences in the US, namely those of gender/sexuality, race, and class, while situating them within a historico-political context. It also discusses the theoretical considerations of subcultural and popular culture studies by analyzing primary and secondary materials within and about punk subcultures. It is common to assume that subculture, by its very nature, implies exclusivity: who is excluded and why may vary, but exclusions remain prevalent. However, in the neoliberal and identity politics era, these exclusions became more subtle even if more frequently addressed. [.]

As a result, various climate change effects (3 school) often amplify mechanisms, which lead to insecurity and violence, such as political instability, weak governance structures, poor economic performance, etc. This is especially relevant for those regions where several "conflict constellations" (water and food shortage, regular natural disasters, rapid demographic change, etc.) are overlapping. Environmental change also has a certain impact to international security in terms of possible increase in the number of weak and fragile states, risks for global economic development, intensification of migration, territorial disputes, etc. Generally, environmental security research (apart from the 1 and 2 schools) is based on a broad approach to security, which is not limited to military conflicts and include various elements of sustainable development and economic welfare. On the one hand, it is understandable, as interdisciplinary character of environmental security requires complex approach to security. On the other hand, research based on the concept of human security (4 school) often equates security with economic and social well-being, thus blurring the line between security and development studies. It also undermines the assessment of the impact environmental issues can have to traditional security problems (conflicts, regime change, political instability, etc.). Finally, securization of various social problems (AIDS, migration, poverty, gender inequality, etc.) might be used for political purposes by legitimizing the use of military force or restricting human rights. Various natural disasters (5 school) have a substantial destructive power, which not only causes substantial damage (humanitarian crises, destroyed infrastructure, etc.), but also has complex socioeconomic and political effects, which affect political regimes, critical economic sectors, social stability, etc. .