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The relationship between sexuality and politics has always been an underlying assumption of the avant-garde. In recent East German avant-garde literature, the notion of authorship as production has become associated with technological rationality and the patriarchal socialist state. The ensuing crisis of the traditional male author has thus led necessarily to a radicalization of subjectivity and to the politics of gender. A comparison of two contemporary texts, one by a female author, one by a male, shows that the crisis of authorship assumes two distinctly different forms when differences in gender are taken into account. The East German authors Heiner Müller and Christa Wolf have exhibited remarkably similar literary and political developments. Two of their most recent texts, Mülller's Hamletmachine and Wolf's No Place. Nowhere, both address the problematic of traditional male authorship and the disintegration of a preconceived literary gender identity. Yet, these two texts exemplify very different assumptions about the relationship between authorship and the literary tradition. Müller's text suggests the imprisonment of the male author within a petrified system of tradition and images, and hence the necessity of deconstruction. Wolf's text manifests a process of creating a new form of female-identified authorship and the possibility of redefining the tradition of literature and its future.

Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 40-07, page: . Thesis (M.A.)--University of Windsor (Canada), 1979.

Este ensayo pretende abordar la vinculación existente entre el papel de la educación y el rol del género a través del abordaje de temas como las relaciones sexistas en la educación, formas de discriminación y transversalización de género en la educación. En la educación actual hemos normalizado la desigualdad, lo que ha influido en que tanto hombres como mujeres adopten estos roles consciente o inconscientemente. Por lo tanto, es innegable el papel que la educación ha tenido en la reproducción de los modelos de desigualdad y jerarquización entre hombres y mujeres. Aunque se haya legislado a favor de la equidad de género, en el uso del lenguaje inclusivo, en las cuotas de participación en organismos políticos, en la representación para diferentes instituciones, la creación de entes encargados de velar por un trato igualitario entre hombres y mujeres, estos esfuerzos resultan insuficientes. La igualdad de género requiere un proceso de aculturación que cambie concepciones y prácticas socialmente aprendidas. Por tal razón, es necesario un cambio orientado hacia la igualdad en la práctica educativa que incluya a todas las personas involucradas y permita desarrollar una educación sin discriminación. This paper pretends to address the relation between the role of education and the role of gender by addressing topics such as sexist-content of education, forms of discrimination, and gender mainstreaming in education. In today's education we have normalized inequality in such a way that both, men and women, adopt these roles consciously or unconsciously. Therefore, it is undeniable the role that education has in reproducing patterns of inequality and hierarchy between men and women. Although it has been legislated in favor of gender equity, in the use of inclusive language, in the participation quotas in political aspects, representing different institutions, the creation of bodies responsible for ensuring equal treatment between men and women still insufficient because gender equality requires a process of acculturation to change socially learned concepts and practices. For this reason, we need a oriented change toward gender equality in educational practice that allows educational development without discrimination and including all people involved.

For many people the manifestations in recent years of the feminist movement and of the movement called 'gay' have represented nothing more than does any other protest by a group of people who might have reason to feel themselves less than equally treated in political and cultural terms. Others dismissed the intentions of these movements as abhorrent alternatives. The tendency of the public to superficiality notwithstanding, the literature emerging from these movements demands careful consideration. The serious prospect opened up in this paper is that definition by sexuality may be a fundamental underlying criterion for the entire curricular structure of an educational system. Pinar discusses three key writers and draws conclusions that will map his future inquiry into the basis for certain curricular assumptions concerning the relative merits of subjectivity and objectivity. Pinar finds, in the differences between the mother's and the father's biological relationships with a child, both a fundamental symbol and an explanation of the relative status in education of subjectivity and objectivity. This lies in the contest of the sexes over a child's growing identification - a contest that ought to be resolvable in peaceful, collaborative ways. RÉSUMÉ Pour beaucoup de gens, les manifestations depuis quelques années du mouvement féministe et du mouvement "gai" ne sont rien de plus que l'expression du mécontentement d'un groupe de gens qui s'estiment injustement traités sur le plan politique et culturel. D'autres rejettent les desseins de tels mouvements comme s'il s'agj.ssait d'intentions exécrables. La tendance du public à demeurer a un niveau très superficiel en la matière, et ce malgré l'abondance de la littérature émanant de ces mouvements, est quelque peu alarmante. Les perspectives intéressantes qu'ouvre l'article en question résident dans le fait que cette définition selon la sexualité pourrait bien être un critère fondamental pour toute la structure des programmes d'un système d'enseignement. Pinar parle de trois écrivains clés et tire des conclusions qui formeront la base de certaines hypothèses concernant les mérites relatifs de la subjectivité et de l'objectivité. Pinar voit dans les diff érences qui existent entre les rapports biologiques de la mère et du père avec leurs enfant, un symbole fondamental ainsi qu'une explication du statut relatif de la subjectivité et de l'objectivité dans l'enseignement. Cela réside dans la lutte des sexes à propos de l'identité d'un enfant qui grandit, lutte que l'on doit pouvoir apaiser d'un commun accord.

Reviewed by: C. R. Jones, Chairman, Department of Administrative Sciences; Released by: W. M. Tolles, Dean of Research ; In an attempt to identify manpower, personnel, and training policy issues and research and development requirements associated with changes in the numbers and roles of women in the Navy, experts in various disciplines were asked to address the issues they saw as pertinent to an increased participation by women in the Navy. These experts delivered their views in oral briefing sessions with officers representing each of the branches of the United States armed forces, including the Coast Guard, at the Naval Postgraduate School, Monterey. The tape-recorded transcripts of these sessions, including questions from the audience, were edited for publication. The final version of this report was revised and updated (via footnotes) to reflect mid-1981 realities by Captain Yvonne M. Dupes, USN, Coordinator, Women in the Military, Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense. ; Prepared for: Naval Postgraduate School, Monterey, CA. ; Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

This paper unveils the framing of female politicians in local newspapers published by Lombok Post, and relates to the cognition of journalists and the sociopolitical reality in the province of NTB. Anchored in the model of sociocognitive critical discourse analysis, this study discovered that the positive framing of female politicians in the newspaper was not inseparable from the provision of cordial relation between the journalist and female politician. The affirmative contents and cognition of the journalist regarding the female politicians were relevant to the sociopolitical context of the region depleted with the political racial identity and gender awareness of the community. Drawing on the empirical evidence, the domination of men in the editorial board of the mass media did not contribute to the presence of patriarchal news production in that good media relation built by the female politicians instead did minimize the news production policy that may be gender bias. This study demonstrates the importance of interpersonal communication competence and the maintenance of harmonious relation with the media and people for the sake of sustaining the positive image of female politicians constructed by mass media.

A ZLRev article on Family Law in Zimbabwe. ; Reform is required in many areas of the law in Zimbabwe, particularly so in matters affecting family law and succession. However, the process of amending the law is often slow, particularly where change goes to the very root of the social system. Pending change, therefore there is a need to ensure that the rights of individual as they exist under current law are vigorously enforced and protected. Even if radical amendment of the law is implemented, the problem of enforcement and protection of rights will persist. Methods of enforcement may be written into amending legislation but the addition of criminal penalties to an already dispute fraught intra- family situation is often more a hindrance in attaining a resolution"than a help.

A ZIDS seminar paper on the challenges and obstacles faced by women participation in trade and labour unions. Originally presented at the ZIDS Seminar on: The Training and Research Needs Of Trade Unions in Zimbabwe, Harare, Zimbabwe, 5-9th December, 1983 ; The study of African trade unionism is much more than a survey of industrial organization. It is a study of African societies, the course of their different struggles against imperial rule and the consequences for the pattern of political and economic power. In some states the trade unions contribute a major element of established authority, gathering the energies and loyalties of labour for the promotion of government policies; in others, they comprise the command of resistance, exciting, representing and directing opposition in the absence of any other effective political force but the party in power; in others, they concern themselves overwhelmingly with promoting the interests of their members, on the pattern of collective bargaining. They appear sometimes as a force for fundamental change; sometimes as a force against it; sometimes, as cut off from the main flow of social effort, a tributary trickling away into the ground. The claim of the trade unions in Africa, and Zimbabwe in particular, to speak significantly for female labour must itself be examined. This paper does not lay claim to a complete or comprehensive understanding of the problem of Women Participation in Trade Unions. It simply is an attempt to analyse the mechanisms perpetuating the subordination of women in society and some of the social problems posing obstacles to women's participation in trade unions and development within the large society.

The rite of childbirth once belonged to the mother and her midwife, a companion and attendant interned in the mysteries of human birth. Modern medicine usurped that position, replacing the midwife with the professional physician. The author traces the journey of the midwife to her present status as a legitimate source of obstetrical care and examines the Florida Legislature's recent enactment of the Midwifery Practice Act.

In academic circles, a common explanation for the success of the Iranian revolution has been the powerful effect of Shi'i religion and ritual on Iranians. Iranians are pictured as almost instinctively responding to the call of religious revohition. Supposedly, · they present themselves for martyrdom almost as a reflex. The 1978 'ashura rituals mourning the death of Imam Husain are thought to have been especially compelling in sweeping Iranians into revolutionary action for this reason; emotions evoked through participation in the traditional 'ashura rituals automati­cally drew Iranians into the process of revolution. Singleha'ndedly, Shi'i world view and ritual were Sl!pposedly instrumental in changing Iranians into a nation of revolutionary activists. I will argue that such is not the case, but that rather a transformation in the understariding of the central meaning of Shi'i Islam among the Iranian masses coinciding with chang­ing economic and political conditions was instrumental in bringing about the success of the Iranian revolution.

Based on participant observation and anthropological fieldwork in an Iranian village (Aliabad") shows the connections between Shia Muslim rituals of Moharram commemorating the martyrdom of Imam Husein and his followers at Karbala, and politics, and espcially the Iranian Revolution of 1979.

The author introduces the article with a picture of a woman wearing a heavy black chador and carrying a muffled up baby, thus symbolizing the main roles of the traditional Iranian woman: bearing children and adhering strictly to religious law. Failing to perform this double duty means losing her status, prestige, political allies, the comfort of having intimate relations with children and their support in old age. The traditional Iranian woman also plays a social role. Through interaction with other women, she maintains political ties between her family and other families. Frequent visits, meetings, cooperation in housework and exchange of gifts help to maintain socio-political ties among families and allows them to arrange marriages and concern themselves with weddings, pregnancies and births.

This article will attempt to illustrate the legislative choices available in implementing the equal rights amendment by evaluating the many revisions contained in Chapter 154 in terms of equal rights principles and the policies underlying the criminal, family and employment provisions it amends.

In this article, the author examines the potential ramifications of the Family Protection Act, a bill recently introduced in the Senate by Senators Jespen and Laxalt. The author criticizes the bill both as a mechanism for legislatively enforcing the traditional role of women in American society and as a threat to civil liberties in general.

It was predicted that the U.N. World Conference of the International Women's Year would significantly further international human rights for women, but in retrospect the conference fell far short of accomplishing any such goal. In part, the political overtones that permeated the conference caused this failure. Lack of a cohesive strategy on the part of the major countries, especially the United States, allowed the conference to focus on political issues other than women's rights. The United States delegation also evidenced symptoms of being unprepared and unwilling to assume a leadership role. Until the advent of the Carter administration, these symptoms appeared to pervade United States foreign policy in the area of women's rights. Consequently, this article's purpose is to make suggestions regarding the incorporation of women's rights into the international policy of the United States-particularly in light of President Carter's emphasis on human rights issues.