Suchergebnisse

The intention of this study based on analysis of the series of European Value Study (1990, 1999, 2009 and 2018) is to investigate, using a comparative, diachronic approach, the relationship between modernization and the gender gap in religiosity in Italy. In line with the theoretical perspective which valorizes the role of culture in explaining this relationship, our hypothesis is that the most modernized areas demonstrate a more contained gender gap. We expect that differences of religiosity between men and women are more contained in the country's north-central zones - characterized by higher levels of modernization - compared with the south. Furthermore, since the distance between the levels of modernization in the two areas has not increased noticeably over the last three decades, we could be forgiven for expecting that the difference between them in the religious field would not reveal important changes. To our surprise, the findings of the analyses offer but limited support to our hypothesis.

The article investigates the employment conditions of young early school leavers in Italy in the aftermath of the economic crisis, a period which was marked by a process of occupational downgrading. The empirical analyses rely on the 2005 and 2014 waves of the ISFOL-PLUS survey and show that the employment opportunities of youth who dropped out of school have substantially deteriorated over time, both in absolute terms and compared to those who attained an upper-secondary level certificate. The article discusses possible determinants of this negative trend: on the one hand, the increased negative selection of the group of early school leavers; on the other hand, the process of "crowding out" of workers with intermediate qualification levels from well-matching jobs. The results also show considerable gender differences and in particular the existence of a multiplicative disadvantage for female early school leavers, especially in Southern Italy.

A review essay on books by (1) Carol L Bacchi, Women, Policy and Politics (London: Sage, 1999); (2) Lee Ann Banaszak, Karen Beckwith, Dieter Rucht [Eds], Women's Movements Facing the Reconfigured State (Cambridge: Cambridge U Press, 2003); (3) Catherine Hoskyins, Integrating Gender: Women, Law and Politics in the European Union (London: Verso, 1996); (4) Amy G. Mazur, Theorizing Feminist Policy (Oxford: Oxford U Press, 2002); (5) Joyce Outshoorn & Johanna Kantola [Eds], Changing State Feminism (London: Palgrave, 2007); & (6) Dorothy McBride Stetson & Amy G. Mazur [Eds], Comparative State Feminism (Oxford, Oxford U Press, 1995). Tables, References.

The purpose of this contribution is to study the importance of values and the intergenerational transmission from the point of view of the z generation. Through the Evs2018 data and a case study that involved 716 subjects between the ages of 20-25 years, we have analyzed the values considered most important by young people, those believed to be inherited from parents, the knowledge of their family history and intergenerational solidarity. An in-depth study was also carried out in relation to the values that became most important for young people during the Covid19 health emergency. The main results have highlighted some aspects of continuity and specificity between the different generations and confirmed the importance of the gender dimension in the intergenerational transmission processes.

For at least a quarter of a century, sociologists, political scientists, & political analysts wondered if & how classical social variables -- in the first place those related to socio-structural cleavage -- which for decades had guided the analyses of political behavior & attitudes, could be capable of "explaining" the variance of electoral behavior today. Our empirical research consisted in building up an explanatory model for electoral choice in Italy, having -- in three subsequent steps -- social cleavages (class, religion & territory), socio-demographic variables (age, gender & education) & various political attitudes as independent variables, & applying such model over a rather long period of time. This, in order to see if & how the capability of this model -- & of the three different sets of variables -- of explaining electoral behavior has changed over time. We have applied such a model to the national elections of 1968, 1972, 1983, 2001 & 2006, using logistic regressions with vote dichotomized into Center-left vs. Center-right parties. The results show clearly the existence of a rather true gap between the elections of 1968, 1972, 1983 & the election of 2001 & 2006: the ability of the model to correctly predict voting outcome & the general fitting of the model sharply declined between these two groups of elections. In 2001 & in 2006 the variables that we can define as "socio-structural" for their link to social cleavages or to basic socio-demographic characteristics, seem to be almost completely irrelevant for the purpose of understanding-explain electoral behavior in Italy. We do not know how much of the different explanatory ability within the very same model for the years '70-'80, & at present, is due to the transformation of the political system (also as a consequence of the new electoral legislation), or if caused by a real process that makes collective identity grow significantly weaker, thus favoring the individualization of politics & electoral behavior. Whichever be the answer to this question, the fact is that today, sociological variables seem to be unable to explain voting behavior successfully in Italy. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.