The impact of the EU on the implementation of the policy of equal opportunities for women can be seen from harmonization of legislation and construction of institutions for protection of women's rights, and through participation of women in decision-making processes. The first part of the article discusses the theoretical framework for research the effects of institutionalization of gender equality in the EU. In the second section the institutional and legal framework are represented as a part of the global strategy aimed at achieving gender equality. The problems dealt with in the third part of the article concerning the presence of women at different levels of decision-making in the European Union. The newest data base from gender research for European Commission and European Parliament is used for this research. Index of Gender Equality (EIGE) shows that there are huge differences between Member States and that the EU is only halfway to achieving gender equality. Therefore, the integration of gender perspective in all fields and searching for measures to achieve higher level of gender equality are the focal points in EU gender politics.
The impact of the EU on the implementation of the policy of equal opportunities for women can be seen from harmonization of legislation and construction of institutions for protection of women's rights, and through participation of women in decision-making processes. The first part of the article discusses the theoretical framework for research the effects of institutionalization of gender equality in the EU. In the second section the institutional and legal framework are represented as a part of the global strategy aimed at achieving gender equality. The problems dealt with in the third part of the article concerning the presence of women at different levels of decision-making in the European Union. The newest data base from gender research for European Commission and European Parliament is used for this research. Index of Gender Equality (EIGE) shows that there are huge differences between Member States and that the EU is only halfway to achieving gender equality. Therefore, the integration of gender perspective in all fields and searching for measures to achieve higher level of gender equality are the focal points in EU gender politics.
The article is based on a critical review of existing literature in the field of political participation and representation of women in democratic institutions and procedures in contemporary society. Then, on the basis of relevant statistical indicators, it provides a state-of-the-art review of the participation of women in executive, legislative and judicial government in the European Union countries. The paper especially highlights the obstacles women face in the candidature for political office and when entering the political arena. It takes into account only the political factors, such as the type and structure of the electoral system, the number of parties in the parliament and their ideological differences, the number of candidates at polling stations, and the candidates' nominations for political offices, which have a crucial influence on the possibility for women to enter the political arena. Gender equality policy in the European Union in recent years has achieved significant success in the direction of larger and more equitable representation of women in all spheres of public life. However, women still do not participate in a sufficient number of institutions of governance and decision-making in economics and politics. The mere numerical, descriptive presence of women in political institutions is a necessary but not sufficient condition for the increase of their political power.
Sosyal ilişkiler, sosyal sistemler ve genel olarak toplumsal yapı denilen bütünlük, içinde pek çok unsuru barındıran büyük bir ortaklıktır. Toplumsal yapı, göreli denge ve birliğinin yanı sıra çeşitli zıtlıklar, çatışmalar ve eşitsizlikleri de bünyesinde barındırır. Bunların en önemlilerinden biri toplumsal cinsiyet ayrımı ve ona dayalı haksız tanımlama, konumlandırma ve uygulamalardır. Bu anlamda biyolojik olarak kadın cinsine karşılık toplumsal olarak üretilen 'kadınlık' cinsiyeti, başlıca örnek olarak varlığını sürdürmektedir. Kadınlık, en yalın haliyle doğuştan ve doğal değil, sonradan ve yapay olarak oluşturulmuş cinsiyet ayrımının ismidir. Toplumsal cinsiyet ayrımına neredeyse tüm dünya ülkelerinde rastlanabilir. Ayrım geçmişte de var olmuştur, bugün de devam etmektedir. Ancak yaşanma şiddeti ve göstergeleri toplumdan topluma farklılık göstermektedir. Türkiye, toplumsal cinsiyete dayalı ayrımda kadınlığın belirgin olarak yaşandığı ülkelerden biridir. Kadın, 'toplumsal cinsiyetinden ötürü' Türkiye'de var olan onlarca öteki içerisinde başı çekmektedir. Bu inceleme genelinde teorik olarak toplumsal cinsiyetin kurguladığı kadınlık olgusu tanımlanacak, açıklanacak ve kadınlığın yaşadığı eşitsizlikler vurgulanacaktır. Bu doğrultuda ilkin biyolojik-toplumsal cinsiyet ayrımı ele alınacaktır. Ardından ayrımın belli başlı toplumlarda ne gibi uygulamalarla canlı kaldığı anlatılacaktır. Sonrasında genel tarihsel akış içerisinde Dünya'da ve Türkiye'de kadınlık meselesi toplumsal cinsiyet ayrımı bağlamında tartışılacaktır. Sonuç olarak Türkiye'de kadının genel durumu sergilenip yorumlanacaktır. ; Social relations, social systems and the overall integrity of the so-called social structure, containing many elements of a great partnership. Social structure, as well as a variety of relative stability and unity of opposites, incorporates the conflicts and inequalities. One of the most important of these are based on her gender discrimination and wrongful identification, positioning, and applications. In this sense, corresponds to the type of socially produced biologically female 'female' sex, exists mainly as an example. Femininity, most completely innate and natural, not artificially created, and subsequently Gender discrimination can be found in virtually all countries of the world. Discrimination has existed in the past, continues to this day. Indicators and severity vary from society to society, but to happen. Turkey, one of the countries that experienced a significant gender-based discrimination womanhood. Woman, 'for social sex' in Turkey, the other dozens of existing lead. Female gender as a theoretical speculations in the case of this study will be defined, explained and emphasized femininity inequalities experienced. Biological gender discrimination will be dealt with first in this direction. Live in societies that certain practices such as discrimination, then what will be discussed. Then, the flow in the general historical context of gender discrimination in the world and in Turkey will be discussed in a matter of femininity. As a result, the overall situation of women in Turkey exhibited and interpreted.
The risk of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), increases significantly for women in a war/conflict context and forced migration process. However, SGBV exposure by migrant women is only considered as the unfortunate outcome of the war. This situation makes the appearance of SGBV even more obscure and makes it invisible. The aim of this review is to contextually (war/conflict context, journey, and destination country) evaluate the appearances of SGBV, which is the continuation of the conflict to which forced migrant women are exposed, and to discuss the contextual mechanisms that feed the SGBV spiral. As a result, SGBV to which forced migrant women are exposed has a spiral structure, but the appearances of SGBV are complex, interactive, transformative, and are fluidly and dynamically constructed with the contextual parameters in which SGBV action occurs. This construction process determines the direction of outcomes, needs, and interventions.
University education may influence attitudes toward gender roles. The awareness of students in the field of health services about the gender inequalities they will encounter both during the education process and in the future while providing health services will play a role in providing health services in a more effective and equitable way. In order for university students to approach men and women with an egalitarian perspective at an early age, their gender stereotypes must first decrease and their perspectives on social relations must change positively. Therefore, university education can play an important role in influencing gender perception and attitudes towards gender roles. There is no special course on prejudice and discrimination in the training programs of Vocational Schools of Health Services that train health technicians in Turkey. Based on this, this study aimed to examine the effect of the training program given to raise awareness of prejudice, stereotypes and discrimination on the gender perception and attitude of students who will provide health care in the future. For this purpose, answers were sought to the following questions: Is there a difference in students' gender perceptions of prejudice and discrimination before and after training? Are there any differences in students' gender role attitudes regarding prejudice and discrimination before and after education? Is there a relationship between gender perception and attitudes towards gender roles? As a method, a single-group the pretest-posttest semi-experimental method was used. The research was conducted with students taking the Prejudice and Discrimination course at the Vocational School of Health Services. 95 second-grade students participated in the research. The reason why sophomore students from the Disabled Care and Rehabilitation program, the Pharmacy Services program, and the Occupational Therapy Program were selected in the study is that the "Prejudice and Discrimination" course is given in the second-grade student spring semester. Descriptive Information Form, Gender Roles Attitude Scale (GRAS), and Gender Perception Scale (GPS) were used to collect data. Before the course program started, GRAS and GPS were administered to the participants as a pretest. Afterwards, a fourteen-week course period on "Prejudice and Discrimination" was carried out. At the end of the course, GRAS and GPS were administered to the participants as posttests. According to the students' descriptive characteristics, it was found that the mean age of the participants in the study was 21.6±3.3, and that 73.7% of them were female. According to the study, most students' mothers (56.9%) and fathers (38.9%) had completed elementary school. The families of 73.7% of the participants are nuclear families. The students' average number of siblings was found to be 2.8±2.1, and the majority (51.6%) of them had both brothers and sisters. The investigation discovered that 43.2% of the students lived primarily in the city center. Most students who participated in the study said that the Black Sea region was where they spent most of their lives (46.3%). The research revealed that prejudice and discrimination training provided via online distance education methods did not affect the gender perception and gender role attitudes of second-year Vocational School of Health Services students (respectively; p = 0.890, p = 0.976). However, a positive relationship was found between gender perception and attitudes towards gender roles (pretest r = 0,825, p < 0,01; posttest r = 0,893, p< 0,01). While the total scale score of women was higher than men according to GPS and GRAS scores according to sex before the training (GPS, p = 0.002; GRAS, p
Ressenya: Pilar Godayol i Annarita Taronna, eds. 2018. Foreign Women Authors under Fascism and Francoism. Gender, Translation and Censorship. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 217 p.
WOS: 000437199300001 ; Bu araştırmada, Türkiye'de farklı cinsiyet, etnik ve mezhep gruplarına mensup kişilerin, demokrasi ve demokratik devlet tanımları 60 adet yarı-yapılandırılmış yüz yüze görüşmeye dayanarak çalışılmıştır. Bu görüşmelerde, çeşitli etnik ve dini kimliklere ve sosyo-ekonomik gruplara ait bireylerle konuşulmuştur. Görüşmelerin analizi sonucunda, demokrasiyi tanımlarken, kadınların cinsiyet eşitliği üzerinde durduğu, Kürtlerin ve Alevilerin hak ve özgürlüklere, Sünni Türk erkeklerin ise ekonomik refaha odaklandıkları görülmüştür. Bu bulgulara dayanarak, devletle tartışmalı bir ilişki içerisinde olan kimlik gruplarının demokrasiyi hak ve özgürlükler açısından tanımlamaya, devletle bu şekilde bir ilişki içerisinde olmayan grupların ise demokrasiyi tanımlarken ekonomik konuları merkeze almaya daha eğilimli olduğu ortaya konmuştur. Çalışmada ayrıca katılımcıların demokratik devletten beklentileri de incelenmiştir. Görüşmelerin bu bölümünde de benzer sonuçlara ulaşılmıştır. Sünni Türk erkeklerin demokratik devletten beklentileri arasında eşitlik bulunduğu durumlarda bile, bu görüşmecilerin daha çok ekonomik eşitliğin belirli bir ölçüde sağlanmasını kastettikleri anlaşılmıştır. Bunun aksine, Sünni Türk kadınlar, Kürtler ve Aleviler, demokratik devletten beklentilerinin arasında farklı etnik ve dini gruplar arasında eşitliğin sağlanması olduğunu ifade etmişlerdir. Türkiye toplumunu oluşturan bu kimlik gruplarının demokrasiye ve demokratik devlete ilişkin tutumlarındaki bu önemli farklılıklar, Türkiye'de hem demokrasinin konsolide edilmesi hem de bu konudaki toplumsal ayrışmanın azaltılması yönündeki sorunlara işaret etmektedir. ; Utilizing 60 interviews, we examine how people belonging to different gender, ethnic, and sectarian groups in Turkey define democracy and the democratic state. An analysis of the interviews reveals that women emphasize gender equality, while Kurds and Alevis focus on rights and freedoms in their definitions of democracy. Male Sunni Turks, on the other hand, focus on economic welfare. On the basis of these results, we argue that identity groups that have a problematic relationship with the state are more likely to define democracy in terms of rights and freedoms, whereas those who do not have a problematic relationship with the state are more likely to consider economic issues as central to democracy. This research also examined people's expectations of a democratic state. When male Sunni Turks indicated that equality is among their expectations of a democratic state, they formulated it in terms of the state realizing economic equality. Female Sunni Turks, Kurds, and Alevis, on the other hand, emphasized the provision of equality among different ethnic and religious groups in their expectations of a democratic state. These important differences among identity groups in Turkey in terms of their attitudes toward democracy and the democratic state illustrate the problems involved in consolidating democracy as well as significant challenges in lessening social differentiation regarding this issue.
