Suchergebnisse

Machine generated contents note: 1 Introduction -- 2 Making Sense of Democracy -- 3 UNISON in the Making -- 4 Women Gaining Access -- 5 Taking Part in the Electoral Process -- 6 Fair Representation and Diversity -- 7 The Role of Women's Self-Organisation -- 8 Making a Difference in Local Government? -- 9 Making a Difference at Regional Level? -- 10 The Reshaping of Democracy? -- Appendix -- Bibliography -- Figures -- 4.1 Results of the first NEC election -- 4.2 Results of first elections in Local Government -- and Health Care Service Group Executives and -- Regional Committees in Regions 1 and 2 -- Tables -- 4.1 Allocation of seats on NEC -- 4.2 Allocation of regional representative seats in -- Regions 1 and 2 -- 4.3 Allocation of directly elected seats in service -- groups -- 9.1 Internal issues of concern to women in Region 2 -- 9.2 External issues of concern to women in Region 2

This chapter is organised into two main sections. The first section describes the situation of gender politics and polices in Lithuania prior to transposition of the European Council (EC) Directive on gender equality, wich covers equal treatment of women and men in access to and the supply of goods and services (2004/113/EC) into Lithuanan law. The second section of the chapter is devoted to the analysis of the democratic quality of the process of the transposition of the EC Directive (2004/113/EC) and is primarily concerned with the extent to which women's represantatives participated in the deliberations related to the decision-making (descriptive representation) and how far their interests were incorporated into the deliberative agenda and the final text of the law (substantive representation). For these purpose we examine various documents, such as national reports, legal documents, documentation of the Seimas (the Lithuanian one chamber parliament) ant national ministries, transcripts of parliamentary debates, mass media articles and websites of the relevant non-governmental organisations (NGOs) (mostly, women's organisations). Another mass of data comes from qualitative interviews with representatives of ministries (mostly, Ministry of well as academic experts of gender equality in Lithuania. These interviews were carried out by the authors in 2010-2011. We also used some qualitative inerview material, focused on Ombudsman Office of Equal Opportunities for Women and Men, gathered in 1999. Reflecting of the Lithuanina political culture and context, we focus in this study on the actions and speeches of the Lithuanian parliamentary elite. The decisive roles of high public officials (from the Ombudsman's Offices and Ministries) are also highlighted. Where applicable, we refr community driven). Trade unions are virtually absent from our research, as their impact on women (gender) policies is practically nil. The guiding question of our research was: To what extent did Europeanization of the Lithuaninan legislation relative to gender equality conform to the principles of deliberative democracy, which rests on three cornes-stone values: inclusion, accountability and recognition of the stake-holders (Galligan and Clavero 2008).

This chapter is organised into two main sections. The first section describes the situation of gender politics and polices in Lithuania prior to transposition of the European Council (EC) Directive on gender equality, wich covers equal treatment of women and men in access to and the supply of goods and services (2004/113/EC) into Lithuanan law. The second section of the chapter is devoted to the analysis of the democratic quality of the process of the transposition of the EC Directive (2004/113/EC) and is primarily concerned with the extent to which women's represantatives participated in the deliberations related to the decision-making (descriptive representation) and how far their interests were incorporated into the deliberative agenda and the final text of the law (substantive representation). For these purpose we examine various documents, such as national reports, legal documents, documentation of the Seimas (the Lithuanian one chamber parliament) ant national ministries, transcripts of parliamentary debates, mass media articles and websites of the relevant non-governmental organisations (NGOs) (mostly, women's organisations). Another mass of data comes from qualitative interviews with representatives of ministries (mostly, Ministry of well as academic experts of gender equality in Lithuania. These interviews were carried out by the authors in 2010-2011. We also used some qualitative inerview material, focused on Ombudsman Office of Equal Opportunities for Women and Men, gathered in 1999. Reflecting of the Lithuanina political culture and context, we focus in this study on the actions and speeches of the Lithuanian parliamentary elite. The decisive roles of high public officials (from the Ombudsman's Offices and Ministries) are also highlighted. Where applicable, we refr community driven). Trade unions are virtually absent from our research, as their impact on women (gender) policies is practically nil. The guiding question of our research was: To what extent did Europeanization of the Lithuaninan legislation relative to gender equality conform to the principles of deliberative democracy, which rests on three cornes-stone values: inclusion, accountability and recognition of the stake-holders (Galligan and Clavero 2008).

This chapter is organised into two main sections. The first section describes the situation of gender politics and polices in Lithuania prior to transposition of the European Council (EC) Directive on gender equality, wich covers equal treatment of women and men in access to and the supply of goods and services (2004/113/EC) into Lithuanan law. The second section of the chapter is devoted to the analysis of the democratic quality of the process of the transposition of the EC Directive (2004/113/EC) and is primarily concerned with the extent to which women's represantatives participated in the deliberations related to the decision-making (descriptive representation) and how far their interests were incorporated into the deliberative agenda and the final text of the law (substantive representation). For these purpose we examine various documents, such as national reports, legal documents, documentation of the Seimas (the Lithuanian one chamber parliament) ant national ministries, transcripts of parliamentary debates, mass media articles and websites of the relevant non-governmental organisations (NGOs) (mostly, women's organisations). Another mass of data comes from qualitative interviews with representatives of ministries (mostly, Ministry of well as academic experts of gender equality in Lithuania. These interviews were carried out by the authors in 2010-2011. We also used some qualitative inerview material, focused on Ombudsman Office of Equal Opportunities for Women and Men, gathered in 1999. Reflecting of the Lithuanina political culture and context, we focus in this study on the actions and speeches of the Lithuanian parliamentary elite. The decisive roles of high public officials (from the Ombudsman's Offices and Ministries) are also highlighted. Where applicable, we refr community driven). Trade unions are virtually absent from our research, as their impact on women (gender) policies is practically nil. The guiding question of our research was: To what extent did Europeanization of the Lithuaninan legislation relative to gender equality conform to the principles of deliberative democracy, which rests on three cornes-stone values: inclusion, accountability and recognition of the stake-holders (Galligan and Clavero 2008).

1. Introduction -- 2. African Traditional Philosophies -- 3. Ancient Governance in Africa -- 4. Trade, Routes Trade and Commerce in Pre-colonial Africa -- 5. African Indigenous Education -- 6. The Spirit of African Indigenous Science -- 7. Women and Gender Relations in Africa -- 8. The Science of African Spirituality -- 9. Centering African Women's Leadership Course: A Conversation -- 10. Conclusion Continuity and Futurity—Ancient Africa Survives

Mainstream politics in Northern Ireland has not been welcoming to women, but many women have been present in community and voluntary organizations where their contribution has been outstanding. This book examines four organizations (including the recently-formed Northern Ireland Women's Coalition) where women have been active. It discusses the processes and structures created by these groups in order to work democratically across differences and argues that their experiences are invaluable to the development of feminist debates on democracy and difference.

It is women artists who, by entering into an open debate with central elements of the Polish cultural tradition, pose the main questions concerning the nature of democratic citizenship, toleration, and pluralism.