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Clinical practice guidelines are systematically developed statements to assist practitioner and patient decisions about appropriate health care for specific clinical circumstances. These documents inform and shape patient care around the world. In this Perspective we discuss the importance of diversity on guideline panels ; the disproportionately low representation of women on critical care guideline panels, and existing initiatives to increase the representation of women in corporations, universities, and government. We propose five strategies to ensure gender parity within critical care medicine. ; American College of Emergency Physicians ; American Thoracic Society Assembly on Critical Care, Women in Critical Care Working Group ; American Thoracic Society-Health Equality and Diversity Committee ; Australia and New Zealand Intensive Care Society ; Canadian Critical Care Society ; Canadian Critical Care Trials Group ; German SepNet Critical Care Trials Group ; German Sepsis Society ; Global Sepsis Alliance ; International Forum for Acute Care Trialists (InFACT) ; Latin American Sepsis Institute ; Scandinavian Society of Anaesthesiology and Intensive Care Medicine ; George Institute for Global Health ; World Federation of Critical Care Nurses ; World Federation of Societies of Intensive and Critical Care Medicine ; Univ Toronto, Dept Med, Toronto, ON, Canada ; lnterdepartmental Div Crit Care Med, Toronto, ON, Canada ; Sinai Hlth Syst, Toronto, ON, Canada ; Univ Toronto, Lawrence S Bloomberg Fac Nursing, Toronto, ON, Canada ; Univ Toronto, Univ Hlth Network, Toronto, ON, Canada ; Canadian Crit Care Soc, Markham, ON, Canada ; St Michaels Hosp, lnterdepartmental Div Crit Care Med, Toronto, ON, Canada ; St Michaels Hosp, Dept Surg, Toronto, ON, Canada ; Li Ka Shing Knowledge Inst, Toronto, ON, Canada ; Univ Fed São Paulo, Anesthesiol Pain & Intens Care Dept, São Paulo, Brazil ; McMaster Univ, Hamilton Hlth Sci Thrombosis & Atherosclerosis Re, Hamilton, ON, Canada ; McMaster Univ, Dept Med, Hamilton, ON, Canada ; McMaster Univ, Clin Epidemiol & Biostat, Hamilton, ON, Canada ; McMaster Univ, Crit Care Med, Hamilton, ON, Canada ; Univ Calif San Francisco, Div Pulm Crit Care Allergy & Sleep Med, San Francisco, CA 94143 USA ; Univ Calif San Francisco, Cardiovasc Res Inst, San Francisco, CA USA ; Vanderbilt Univ, Sch Med, Dept Pathol Microbiol & Immunol, Nashville, TN 37212 USA ; Univ Colorado, Sch Med, Pulm Sci & Crit Care Med, Denver, CO USA ; Univ British Columbia, British Columbia Childrens Hosp, Dept Pediat, Vancouver, BC, Canada ; Univ Montreal, Hosp Ctr, Montreal, PQ, Canada ; Univ Montreal, Div Intens Care, Montreal, PQ, Canada ; George Inst Global Hlth, Div Crit Care & Trauma, Sydney, NSW, Australia ; Univ Sydney, Sydney, NSW, Australia ; Jena Univ Hosp, Ctr Sepsis Control & Care, Dept Anesthesiol & Intens Care, Jena, Germany ; Global Sepsis Alliance, Jena, Germany ; Imperial Coll London, Dept Paediat, Wellcome Trust Ctr Clin Trop Med, London, England ; Univ Vermont, Div Pulm & Crit Care Med, Burlington, VT USA ; Makerere Univ, Dept Anesthesia & Crit Care, Kampala, Uganda ; Inst Med Sci, Bombay Hosp, Dept Crit Care Med, Bombay, Maharashtra, India ; Univ Fattouma Bourguiba, Ctr Hosp, Monastir, Tunisia ; Oslo Univ Hosp, Scandinavian Soc Anaesthesiol & Intens Care Med, Oslo, Norway ; Oslo Univ Hosp, Dept Anaesthesiol, Oslo, Norway ; Tribhuvan Univ, Teaching Hosp, Dept Anaesthesiol, Kathmandu, Nepal ; Univ Fed São Paulo, Anesthesiol Pain & Intens Care Dept, São Paulo, Brazil ; Web of Science

AbstractDo women in politics contribute to gender parity in education? This study seeks to provide an empirical answer to this question by examining whether women in politics (women parliamentarians) contribute to closing the gender inequality in education using a global sample of 191 countries from 1990 to 2020. We deployed the two‐stage least square (IV‐TSLS) technique and gender quota as an instrument to isolate the exogenous effect of women in politics on gender parity in primary, secondary and tertiary education. The findings from the IV‐TSLS estimators show that an increase in the number of female parliamentarians is associated with a significant increase in gender parity at all levels of education. These results survived several robustness checks, including using different estimators such as the Lewbel two‐stage least squares and the Kinky least‐squares estimators. Based on the quota type, we documented that women in politics significantly spur gender parity in education in countries with reserved seat quotas and not in countries with candidate quotas. We also found that the results differ across different geographical regions and income groups. The findings call on policy‐makers to address societal, legal and structural barriers limiting women's political participation to achieve gender parity at all levels of education.

The purpose of this article is to study the progress made in Spain in terms of gender parity and the challenges still pending to be achieved in this regard. To attain this objective, first of all, the authors review the successive legal regulations aimed at reaching gender equality that have been enacted in Spain. Furthermore, the considerations and findings made are based on the use of quantitative and qualitative methodologies. On the one hand, from a quantitative viewpoint, different statistical data provided mainly by the Spanish Statistics National Institute are analyzed. From these data, the authors prepare a set of tables and figures that allow them to show that, despite the undoubted legislative advances attained, clear gender inequalities continue in Spain. On the other hand, the authors base their assertions both on their participant observation and on a reinterpretation and reanalysis of the results of two previous qualitative researches. One of the most remarkable outcomes of the use of this qualitative methodology is the persistence in Spain of diverse signs of macho mentality. This persistence not only manifests itself among many men, it is also shared by a large number of women.

The predoctoral contract mentioned in the previous paragraph was founded by the Spanish Ministry of Research and Universities. ; This research, which is part of a PhD thesis written by Isabel Árbol-Pérez and supervised by Francisco Entrena-Durán, has been carried out at the University of Granada (Spain) with a 4-year predoctoral contract for the training of the University Teaching Staff (Contrato predoctoral para la Formación del Profesorado Universitario (FPU)). ; The purpose of this article is to study the progress made in Spain in terms of gender parity and the challenges still pending to be achieved in this regard. To attain this objective, first of all, the authors review the successive legal regulations aimed at reaching gender equality that have been enacted in Spain. Furthermore, the considerations and findings made are based on the use of quantitative and qualitative methodologies. On the one hand, from a quantitative viewpoint, different statistical data provided mainly by the Spanish Statistics National Institute are analyzed. From these data, the authors prepare a set of tables and figures that allow them to show that, despite the undoubted legislative advances attained, clear gender inequalities continue in Spain. On the other hand, the authors base their assertions both on their participant observation and on a reinterpretation and reanalysis of the results of two previous qualitative researches. One of the most remarkable outcomes of the use of this qualitative methodology is the persistence in Spain of diverse signs of macho mentality. This persistence not only manifests itself among many men, it is also shared by a large number of women. ; Spanish Ministry of Research and Universities

Although many political authorities endorse the basic goal of parity between men and women across the board, reality does not yet reflect this in Germany. In the German Bundestag, for example, at present 37.1 percent of representatives are women. Divided among the six parties with the greatest likelihood of being elected to the Bundestag, a total of 1,979 people are running for office in the upcoming election. Of these, 35.7 percent are women. An analysis of the lists of candidates by party shows that the parties currently represented in the Bundestag have significantly higher proportions of women among their candidates than the opposition parties FDP and AfD do. In the top 48 slots-that is, the first three on each of the 16 state lists-the Green Party is putting forward 32 women, the Left Party 27, and the SPD 25. With 15 female candidates for office, the Union Parties (CDU/CSU) are also higher than the FDP and AfD (with 11 and eight candidates respectively). Of the 263 ministerial posts available since Germany was founded, women have only held 43. Although Germany has a female chancellor and the gender distribution in the current cabinet is almost equal, certain ministerial posts have yet to be held by a woman. The government resulting from the upcoming Bundestag election could serve as an example by explicitly committing itself to gender parity. In state parliaments, women are more underrepresented than on the national level. In the former, the proportion of women is 31 percent and has recently fallen. Only three out of 16 regional governments are headed by a woman. An international comparison shows that extended use of voluntary quotas for the parties-as already practiced in Germany-could be a highly viable way of achieving parity. They would be more effective if consistently implemented by all at all levels. And voters can make a difference by demanding equal representation from the parties.

International audience ; The purpose of this article is to study the progress made in Spain in terms of gender parity and the challenges still pending to be achieved in this regard. To attain this objective, first of all, the authors review the successive legal regulations aimed at reaching gender equality that have been enacted in Spain. Furthermore, the considerations and findings made are based on the use of quantitative and qualitative methodologies. On the one hand, from a quantitative viewpoint, different statistical data provided mainly by the Spanish Statistics National Institute are analyzed. From these data, the authors prepare a set of tables and figures that allow them to show that, despite the undoubted legislative advances attained, clear gender inequalities continue in Spain. On the other hand, the authors base their assertions both on their participant observation and on a reinterpretation and reanalysis of the results of two previous qualitative researches. One of the most remarkable outcomes of the use of this qualitative methodology is the persistence in Spain of diverse signs of macho mentality. This persistence not only manifests itself among many men, it is also shared by a large number of women.