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Abstract
The class condition of women in contemporary Igbo society in particular and Africa in general, which is characterized by her peripherialization in the scheme of state building and knowledge production, has led to the need for the re-examination of her representation in specific cultural contexts in Africa prior to the major historical events (partition and colonization) in the continent. There is no doubt that the partition and colonization of Africa led to a pragmatic shift in local paradigms, and the significance placed on the agencies of cultural transmission. This need to re-examine women s representation in cultures and societies in Africa has become imperative in order to make, where possible, a factual representation of women s place in specific cultural realities. This realization gives impetus for this paper. This article re-examines the perception that women have nothing to do with two key peace symbols—oji (kolanut) and ofo (staff of authority and justice)—in Igbo culture as has been presented in the literature on Igbo culture. Using a case study typology, the study uses Nanka in Anambra State, south-eastern Nigeria as the study area. It identifies the place of the Earth goddess in oji and ofo ritual performances and concludes that, as a key participant in these rituals, gender is mainstreamed in the usages of oji and ofo.

Despite the trend of secularization, pilgrimages to sacred sites flourish. Most of the pilgrims are women and the reasons for their visits often have to do with the dynamics of women's lives. Some of the pilgrims to sites dedicated to St Mary are Muslims. This is interesting in the present political context in which lines are being redrawn between Christians and Muslims and their respective religious identities. Why would Muslims go to Marian shrines and how do they negotiate their relationship to the figure of the Virgin Mary and thereby define their gender and religious position? This article describes the experiences of Muslim pilgrims at Marian sites in Germany, Portugal and Turkey, and analyses these in terms of gender and religious identity.

International audience ; Despite the trend of secularization, pilgrimages to sacred sites flourish. Most of the pilgrims are women and the reasons for their visits often have to do with the dynamics of women's lives. Some of the pilgrims to sites dedicated to St Mary are Muslims. This is interesting in the present political context in which lines are being redrawn between Christians and Muslims and their respective religious identities. Why would Muslims go to Marian shrines and how do they negotiate their relationship to the figure of the Virgin Mary and thereby define their gender and religious position? This article describes the experiences of Muslim pilgrims at Marian sites in Germany, Portugal and Turkey, and analyses these in terms of gender and religious identity.

Nationalism & its rhetoric may be expressed through a variety of physical symbols, examination of which demonstrates that nationalism is inherently a gendered experience. Women & children, more frequently victims of nationalist struggles, have also been active participants, promoted by the manipulation of national female symbols & nationalist rhetoric linked to women's concerns. The case of Vietnam & Nicaragua, both of which underwent primarily nationalist liberation movements, demonstrates the malleability of nationalism & nationalist values & shows that in spite of the suspension of gender roles during national crisis, whatever formal equality is acknowledged during the initial post-conflict period is not necessarily substantive or sustainable & established nationalism is primarily reserved for men. Thus it is critical for women's groups to take immediate advantage of the potential for change in post-war societies before reconfiguration of traditional gender roles becomes overwhelmingly solidified & to understand the difference between formal & substantive equity. L. Kehl

Ist Gott männlich? Oder doch auch weiblich? Die Studie will zeigen, dass eine Gender-Harmonie in Gott zu finden ist, zugleich aber auch eine die Kategorien des Geschlechtes übersteigende Transzendenz. Die erste Großepoche der Geschichte, das Matriarchat, wird hier hinsichtlich der paläolithischen Venusstatuetten und der weiblich-göttlichen Größen der Bibel in verdichteter Form beleuchtet. Die zweite Epoche, das Patriarchat, hat das Matriarchat verdrängt; heute stehen wir an der Schwelle zu einer neuen, globalen Epoche, in der erstmals auch eine genderbezogen harmonische Trinität entfaltet werden kann. Die Zusammenhänge und Interferenzen dieser drei Großepochen werden deutlich - genderbezogen, historisch-psychologisch und unter Einbeziehung der großen religiösen Symbolsysteme.

The purposes of this article are embodied in three questions central to the development of symbolic anthropology. How does one identify the alleged symbolic message in public rituals, and does this meaning have some sort of empirically demonstrable analogue in the minds of the actors, or consequences for their behavior? Second, can these questions be answered by a method of interpreting symbols that is empirical and that utilizes clearly specified and replicable procedures? Finally, is it legitimate to attribute symbolic meanings to behavior if the participants themselves are not aware of such meanings? If nonconscious meaning exists, does it have any effect on attitudes and motivation for behavior? Analysis of data, derived from responses to Osgood's Semantic Differential relating to concepts of gender and manners between the sexes, provides affirmative answers to the questions raised above.

In this paper, we investigate the role that mourning and commemoration practices play in contemporary trans rights activism. Drawing from visual politics, digital activist culture, as well as media and communication, we analyse how trans rights movements construct injustice symbols that are used for sociopolitical mobilisation and expression. We contend that these symbols are constructed through shared communicative practices, which produce and circulate visuals that possess important memetic qualities (pictures, slogans, hashtags, graffiti, posters, etc.). To do so, we analyse three case studies where the unjust death of a trans person was collectively mobilised for political purposes: Jennifer Laude (Philippines, 1988-2014), Hande Kader (Turkey, 1993-2016), and Marsha P. Johnson (United States of America, 1945-1992). While each case study points to local or national specificities, our comparative analysis also underlines transnational trends in the production of posthumous visuals within contemporary trans rights activism. We conclude by addressing the contentions over the construction of trans symbols who inherently possess intersectional identities.

We "do gender" while we are at work, while we produce an organizational culture and its rules governing what is fair in the relationship between the sexes. The inner ambiguity of gender construction is expressed in the dilemma: how can we do gender without second-sexing the female? The management of cross-gendered situations (dual presence) is based on a two-stage ritual involving the ceremonial work of paying homage to the symbolic order of gender (a deep trans-psychic structure) and the remedial work of repairing the inequality inherent in gender difference. Studying the ambiguity of gender symbols enables us to use indirect speech and discoursively to change gender relationships in organizations.

Security-related academic studies are dominated by the stance of real politics that rarely, especially in Ukrainian historiography, considers the significance of gender transformations happening around the world, in every country, in relations between countries. The article essays to analyze Russian aggression against Ukraine from the gender perspective. On the one hand, highlighted are aspects of masculinization in today's Russia on many levels – from civilizational to personal. Particular attention is given to the figure of Putin, who, in his domestic and foreign policy, embodies patriarchal gender ideology. An emphasis is given to the use of gender symbols in Russian propaganda, specifically in Russia's opposition to the West and in its warfare with Ukraine that has firmly identified its civilizational choice. Whereas euro integration envisages correcting gender policies, underscored are changes taking place in our country in connection with challenges determined by the importance of modernization and by Moscow's attempts to interfere with them. ; У сфері академічних досліджень щодо безпеки переважає позиція реальної політики, яка рідко, особливо у вітчизняній історіографії, розглядає значення гендерних трансформацій, що відбуваються у світі, у кожній країні, у відносинах між країнами. У статті зроблено спробу проаналізувати російську агресію проти України з гендерного погляду. З одного боку, виявляються аспекти маскулінізації сучасної Росії на різних рівнях – від цивілізаційного до персонального. Особлива увага приділена постаті В.Путіна, який у своїй внутрішній і зовнішній політиці втілює патріархальну гендерну ідеологію. Висвітлюється використання російською пропагандою гендерних символів, зокрема у протистоянні Росії із Заходом, а також у війні з Україною, яка твердо визначилась із своїм цивілізаційним вибором. Оскільки євроінтеграція передбачає корегування гендерної політики, увага акцентується на зрушеннях, що відбуваються в нашій країні у зв'язку із викликами, зумовленими необхідністю модернізації і намаганнями Москви їм перешкоджати.