Suchergebnisse

Research on entanglements of power inquires into the multiple positions from which power of domination and resistance are exercised across time-spaces. This paper discusses the dominating efforts of colonizers (Europeans, Yucatecans, Mexicans and US-Americans) to territorialize the Mexican Caribbean in order to anchor it to global patterns of accumulation. The hegemonic power to grid, survey and discipline a region that for a long time was conceived as "empty space" becomes entangled with the resistance power exerted by indigenous Maya and local ecosystems. These entanglements of power have converged in contemporary Akumal to produce a geometry of spatial segregation in which Mestizo and Maya workers are segregated by government and businesses from spaces designated for tourist use. My findings show that spatial inequality has been constructed along a pattern of increasing globalization, local reconfigurations of local power positions, and the trans-nationalization of space. In Akumal this pattern could only be imposed by reinterpreting space, through tourism, from the logic of a resource to be exploited, to the logic of a good to be preserved and enjoyed in-situ. Local resistances to this hegemonic pattern have managed to delay and sometimes bend some of its spatial outcomes. The latest of these bends led to the creation of Akumal Pueblo. An analysis of the detailed genealogy of this bending reveals that a great source of resistance power to alter hegemonic spatial outcomes resides in human agents whose identities were formed autonomously, that is, squarely outside the region's entanglements of power, but who have chosen to re-signify them in order to fully embed themselves within these entanglements.

Работа над этим эссе оказалась длительным процессом, в ходе которого некоторые части текста были переписаны и обновлены. Благодаря терпению и рекомендациям редакторов была создана финальная версия эссе. В настоящей работе автор пытается показать, что доминирование гламура в России и преследование квир-сексуальности принадлежит к одной и той же стратегии нормализации, которая, в свою очередь, направлена одновременно на замораживание идеологического дискурса и актуализацию консервативных оснований. Отслеживая появление термина «гламур» в российском контексте и подвергая его дискурс-анализу, автор рассуждает о том, как прославление одних сексуальных практик и исключение других ограничивает территорию символических альтернатив. В результате изучение такого явления, как «гламур» в постсоветской России, показывает, как артикулируется гегемония и какие силы приводят в движение позиционность субъекта в постсоветском официальном дискурсе. ; This essay was written over a long period, during which I was rewriting and updating several parts of the text. The editors and reviewers of Laboratorium were generous and patient, and their advice helped to finalize the essay. In the present essay I explain how the exaltation of glamour in Russia and the persecution of queer sexual practices belong to the same normalizing strategy, which aims to freeze ideological discourse and empower conservative nodal points of Vladimir Putin's political regime. By analyzing the genealogy of "glamour" and the emergence of the term in the post-Soviet context, I explore how the glorification of certain sexual practices to the exclusion of others limits the possibilities for symbolic alternatives within Russian society. The study of certain erotic phenomena intimately related with the process of subjectification illuminates how hegemony is articulated in post-Soviet Russia.

Despite growing interest in the geographies of death, loss, and remembrance, comparatively little geographical research has been devoted either to the historical and cultural practices of death, or to an adequate conceptualisation of finitude. Responding to these absences, in this paper I argue for the importance of the notion of finitude within the history and philosophy of geographical thought. Situating finitude initially in the context of the work of Torsten Hägerstrand and Richard Hartshorne, the notion is argued to be both productive of a geographical ethics, and as epistemologically constitutive of phenomenological apprehensions of 'earth' and 'world'. In order to better grasp the sense and genealogy of finitude, I turn to the work of Martin Heidegger, Michel Foucault, and Georges Bataille. These authors are drawn upon precisely because their writings present powerful conceptual frameworks which demonstrate the intimate relations between spatiality, death, and finitude. At the same time, their writings are critically interrogated in the light of perhaps the most important aspect of the conceptual history of finitude: the way in which it has been articulated as a site of anthropocentric distinction. I argue for a critical deconstruction of this anthropocentric basis to finitude; a deconstruction which raises a series of profound questions over the ethics, normativities, and understandings of responsibility shaping contemporary ethical geographies of the human and nonhuman. In so doing, I demonstrate the geographical importance of the notion of finitude for a variety of arenas of debate which include: phenomenological understandings of spatiality; the biopolitical boundaries drawn between human and animal; and contemporary theorisations of corporeality, materiality, and hospitality.

In western philosophy, the terms "gnosis" (knowledge) and "agnosia" (ignorance) are linked to seeing and to blindness: to see is to know while not to see is to be ignorant. In contrast to this genealogy, the anti-philosopher Lacan maintains that seeing does not guarantee knowledge, at least not knowledge of the "truth," because there is always one point from which we can never see, that is, the blind spot. In a parallel way, however much we talk or write, we never manage to represent the whole truth or what Lacan terms the Real. The experience of analysis, the shattering impact of trauma, or, at times, a work of art, can enable us, however, to lift the veil covering truth. This article addresses Saramago's twin dystopian fiction Blindness and Seeing and suggests that by pushing the limits of the possible and portraying the possibility of the impossible, Saramago enables us to catch a glimpse of the Real. The trauma depicted in Blindness leads to Saramago's characters reassessing their relationship to knowledge and in particular their knowledge of the Big Other. Following this trauma, they cease making demands of the Other and in the process vanish him out of existence. The repercussions for our political system, and in particular for democracy, are fleshed out in the sequel Seeing where the State is impotent in the face of a silent protest by a sea of what I call atheist citizens; in other words, citizens who no longer believe in the city state. Saramago's anti-politics, or politics of atheism, I suggest, are the natural companion to Lacan's anti-philosophy and ethics of atheism.

This paper discusses the work of Ismat Chughtai (1911–1991), a controversial writer whose long literary career extending over four decades roughly corresponds to the formative stages of the Indian women's movement. It interprets Chughtai's novella The Heart Breaks Free (1966) to forward an anti-teleological enquiry of the women's movement in India. This progressive teleology often suggested by a discussion of the 'waves', 'stages' or 'phases' of the Euro-American women's movement and adopted to postcolonial women's movements, such as those in India, Jamaica and South Africa, is belied by the piecemeal legislative gains won by activist efforts. Some of the questions governing my enquiry are: What lessons can a questioning of teleology teach us about the gains and losses of postcolonial women's movements? If the alternative to teleology is, as I suggest, a genealogy, then what constitutes a genealogical enquiry into the women's movement in India? In face of apparent and self-acknowledged losses and ineffectiveness in recent times, would the movement's apparent unity across religious differences be a way of initiating such an inquiry or is another mode of analysis required? The paper directs attention to the Indian women's movement's attempts at bringing together women of different religious persuasions, legislative, and religious edicts related to Muslim women's right to co-habitation and divorce, and 'cases' that serve as testing points of the movement's struggle against religious and state authority. It also points to the neglected factor of economic security for women as a way in which a genealogical inquiry can proceed so as to strengthen the legislation and the movement itself.

In this dissertation I argue that strategies of Cold War (1945-1991) cultural diplomacy engaged by the U.S. and the U.S.S.R., specifically visual art exhibitions, are a logical outgrowth of the practices of world's fairs and national exhibitions developed during the nineteenth- century. I contend that the quality of diplomatic-style neutrality characteristic of these earlier models compelled their adoption in a more perilous era. I examine U.S. and Russian/Soviet exhibitions at selected moments of political, cultural, or socioeconomic transformation within a genealogy of exhibition functionality that I construct from its origin in the medieval world, its proliferation in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and its instrumentalization during the Cold War. I focus on one case study from the late Cold War, the exhibition 10 + 10 : Contemporary Soviet and American Painters (1989- 90), a unique project jointly organized by U.S.S.R. and U.S. officials and curators, and circulated in both countries. In all these examples, I demonstrate the creation of a temporary space in which information was presented appositionally, with the possibility, but not the guarantee, nor even the expectation, of dialogue or political transaction, providing, in the late Cold War, a neutral space for the advancement of geopolitical awareness and potential understanding. At the end, my research reveals that, during the Cold War, visual art exhibitions, like other cultural interventions including music, dance and theater, served as instruments of cultural diplomacy, providing neutral zones where assertions of national identity, fixed or changing, circulated freely, without agency or conclusions. My research is based on interviews with actors in late Cold War cultural diplomacy, including artists, art critics, diplomats, and government officials

«История частной жизни» под редакцией Ф. Арьеса и Ж. Дюби примечательна не только как исследовательский, но и как издательский проект. В последнем качестве она обладает собственной генеалогией: первые книги, посвященные частной жизни (королей, французов и проч.) появились еще в конце XVIII в. Однако тогда выражение «частная жизнь» в большей степени отсылало к любовным похождениям и скандальному поведению знаменитых политиков и литераторов. В редких случаях оно применялось к истории нравов или истории повседневной жизни (выражение, появившееся в начале XX в.). В 1930-е гг. истории частной жизни и повседневности сформировали две отдельные серии издательства «Hachette». Можно утверждать, что яркий успех проекта Арьеса и Дюби отчасти объясняется наличием этой предшествующей традиции. ; A History of Private Life published by Philippe Aries and Georges Duby is remarkable both as a research and as an editing project. In the latter capacity it has a distinct genealogy: the first books on the private life of (the kings, the French, etc.) appeared at the end of the 18th century. But then the expression la vie privйe referred more to the love-life or scandalous behaviour of the famous politicians or men of letters. Only occasionally it designated the history of the mores or the investigations in the everyday life (the expression la vie quotidienne appeared in the beginning of the 20th century). In the 1930s the histories of private life and the histories of everyday life constituted two distinct series at the Hachette. It can be argued that the striking success of Aries and Dubys project was partially due to the existence of the precedent tradition.

Eric Sundquist, Strangers in the Land: Blacks, Jews, Post-Holocaust America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005)As measured by that deadly but inescapable phrase "quantity and quality," Eric Sundquist is perhaps the most productive American literature scholar of his generation. Since 1979, when he was still in his twenties, he has authored half a dozen books while editing another half-dozen. All have made an impact and many of these have been highly influential—his first book, Home as Found: Authority and Genealogy in Nineteenth-Century American Literature, was among the very first to read canonical American works through the lens of contemporary literary and psychoanalytic theory; his edited collection American Realism: New Essays (1982) proved pivotal in reviving the critical energy in a major but long-dormant literary and historical period. To Wake the Nations: Race in the Making of American Literature (1993) was by implicit design and to powerful effect nothing less than a rewriting of the foundational work of American literary history and criticism—F. O. Matthiessen's monumental American Renaissance: Art and Expression in the Age of Emerson and Whitman (1941). I will spend some time describing To Wake the Nations not only because of the book's exceptional importance but because its eloquent introduction provides the closest thing to a critical credo that Sundquist has written. His description there of his critical ideals—particularly of "justice," boundary-crossing and "verification"—will help orient our approach to Strangers in the Land, which remains loyal to these ideals as it extends his interest in race and ethnicity, black and white, to the tormented subject of blacks and Jews, united by a "bond of alienation." (52).

Endangered species protection represents one of the most enduring paradigms of global environmental governance. From a localized concept rooted in North American conceptions of nature, it evolved over the first half of the 20th century into a norm shaping inter-state behavior. This article analyzes the making of endangered species protection as the first global environmental norm, within a broadly constructivist framework. The central concern is how the "making of" the norm impacted its becoming; and how it continues to determine the current orientation of global environmental policy-making. Three enduring legacies are explored. First, the norm was essentially "made in the North" and for the North. A genealogy of the norm thus brings into sharp relief the North-South tensions that have developed as the norm was extended onto a global level. Second, the article highlights the divide between conservationists and preservationists, which continues to plague much policy-making today, as it leads to conflicting visions of global environmental well-being. In a genealogical perspective, this split appears constitutive of the norm itself, and no closer to being resolved. Third, the article examines the targeted single-species approach that was first ushered in by the norm, and has become entrenched as a template for global environmental policy-making at large. There the article asks whether the norm has in fact precluded the passage to more comprehensive, ecosystemic approaches in the making of global environmental policies. Throughout the discussion the whaling issue takes center stage, because of its role in the emergence of the norm, and because of the way it continues to capture recent developments in global environmental politics.

Contends that Michael Hardt & Antonio Negri's Empire (2000) presents a postmodern form of global sovereignty increasingly separate from the socioeconomic sphere. The text is deemed inadequate for meeting the challenges of contemporary globalized social conflict for its refusal of law as a mechanism of representation. Analysis of the American Revolution, which Hardt & Negri view as a break in the genealogy of modern sovereignty & an example of constituent power, demonstrates how the overlap of state/law & society impelled the Founding Fathers to use law to create a constituent act, which upsets Hardt & Negri's strict separation of constituent & constituted power. British Americans are shown to employ a narrative of ancestry to create a rights-justifying identity. In addition, in scrutinizing the Declaration of Independence, how claiming legal rights produces a corresponding form of subjectivity is illustrated; the constant invocation of rights & legal principles evoked the identity of the American nation. Attention turns to articulating the boundaries that identify the American people & the exclusions rendered by those boundaries. In addition, some issue is taken with Hardt & Negri's rendering of the multitude, arguing that their legal invocation of it, while generating the possibility of a political subject, necessarily renders impossible the total inclusivity they claim on its behalf; ie, either the ontological multitude exists immanently, with inclusivity, & without political subjectivity, or it has such subjectivity but accompanied by difference. The implications of this for revolution are contemplated. It is concluded that Hardt & Negri's notion of the distinct separation of state (ie, law) & society as the passage to postmodernity overlooks the mutual overlap of state & society & mutually constitutive law-society relationship. J. Zendejas

In the first story of Greg Sarris's Grand Avenue: A Novel in Stories, fourteen-year-old Jasmine describes the mural that her Aunt Faye has painted on the front wall of her home: a "big green forest" with "dark trunks and thick green leaves" to which Faye over time has added a series of crosses in pink fingernail polish (GA 9).1 Each cross represents an incident of poisoning in the family's past, poison which, she explains, "can circle around and get someone in your family. It's everywhere" (4). When Faye's sister steals her new boyfriend, for example, the theft marks the return of the "man poison" (20) that first infected Faye when, as a young girl, she stole a lover from her cousin Anna (21). The poison's return leads Faye to modify further the painting on her wall, by drawing "circles around many of the crosses and connect[ing] them with lines from one to another_[in] what looked like a black crayon" (20). As Faye's fear and anger grow, she eventually covers the entire painting with the crayon, leaving it entirely "Black, except for the edges here and there where you could see a bit of green from the trees underneath" (23). Faye's painting is a history, a narrative, a genealogy; it depicts the pattern that poison has woven over and through time in her family. The interconnected lines that bind family members to each other have become buried within the blackness of an oblivion brought on by the fear of poison and the separation and silence caused by it.

SUMMARY:
Andrei Korenevskii's article focuses on the problem of comparison of Western medieval civilization with Eastern one, which is approached through analysis of relationship between the secular authority and Church. A traditional view holds that the difference between the medieval West and East was encapsulated in the autonomous position of the Papal Church and its attempts to subdue the secular authority. The author scrutinizes ideological legitimation of Popes' claims for supremacy, i.e. the Donatio Constantini and officium stratoris , reconstructing the emergence of the latter as a separate and central ritual with which the Catholic Church overpowered the claims of the Holy Roman Emperors for both religious and secular authority. Korenevskii analyzes the reception of the officium stratoris in the Byzantium, suggesting that this myth and ritual epitomized the heresy of the Catholics in the eyes of the Eastern Church. Though that attitude as well as the Byzantium theocratic doctrine were shared by the Russian Orthodox Church, it too practiced a similar ritual in the 17 th century, which was called "The procession sitting on an ass's colt." Korenevskii places the ritual of the procession in a historical context of relationship between the tsar and the patriarch and reconstructs the genealogy of that ritual and the legend behind it. The author argues that despite a different symbolic frame (evoking a biblical story of Christ's entering Jerusalem) the Russian ritual was a result of importation of officium stratoris to a Russian soil, on which a similar contestation between the secular authority and Church was happening in the 15 th and 17 th centuries.

The historiography of the 1992 Los Angeles Riots have several trajectories within the history of Los Angeles that reshape the contours of the transnational turn in the humanities. The riots move the discursive framework towards a comparative scope that allows for an overlap of the structures of migration, inequality, and globalization. The state of emergency that framed the riots exposes the ideological state apparatus within multiple levels of hegemony. This dissertation synthesizes the event, the art objects, and the Kunstwollen that are intertwined to produce art historical research. A foundational understanding of the visual culture and the riots provide a clear subtext to the political and economic genealogy of art objects in this dissertation. The overarching argument in my dissertation is that art practice yields a particular kind of knowledge production. The rhetorical positions articulated by Korean American artists about the L.A. riots elucidates localized geopolitical struggles. Instead of a biographical survey of one artist, the analysis of multiple artists centered around one event propels art historical analysis towards a transdisciplinary approach that extends the hermeneutics of art practice towards cultural geography, critical media studies and epistemology. My work intervenes the rhetoric of the necessary third to fourth generation gap for the kind of assimilation and development of identity formation that should not be unilaterally assumed and applied to all immigrant histories. Rather than regurgitating a multicultural thesis, my framework uses the arguments made visual in the artwork that de-romanticizes the story of migration. Therefore my analysis of the artworks elucidates alternative approaches to Korean American history