In the recent years, consolidated democracies have faced a great decline in citizens' participation and interest in political life. The latest researches show that young people are especially disengaged and alien to political life. Moreover, Lithuania seems to have the greatest number of young people who are not interested in politics in the "so-called" developed world (OECD countries and candidates) and has the highest gap between the general and the youth interest in politics. Therefore, this article analyzes what are the reasons for the disinterest in politics of the youth in Lithuania. Contemporary theories and empirical researches suggest rather different answers to the question. In particular, it is said that youths' interest in politics can be determined by three categories of factors: socioeconomic/sociodemographic (income, wellbeing, education, race and gender), psychological (political efficacy: self-confidence as internal political efficacy and trust in political system as external political efficacy) as well as socializing factors (discussions with family and friends, media, volunteering). In order to find why Lithuania has such a high level of youth disinterest in politics, the analysis is performed on an individual level. Logistic regression analysis shows that the most relevant determinants for the youth interest in politics in Lithuania are a greater usage of media, accompanied with more frequent discussions with family and friends, a higher trust in the parliament as well as a higher level of education. Yet, the greatest determinant of whether a young person will be interested in politics are the elections; i.e., data from the year 2016 signalizes a much greater youth interest in politics compared to the 2012, thus inviting to analyze more deeply the existing differences between the two elections. To check if the variables had proved significant on the individual level, bore any semblance on the country level and explained the exception of Lithuania, an aggregate analysis was conducted. Correlations were found between the level of youth disinterest in politics and income per capita, trust in the national government, discussions with friends and the usage of media. Lithuania, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia appear to be in one group based on most of the analyzed criteria. Though altogether these factors seem to be pretty good determinants, the Lithuanian case is, however, not fully explained by them – a regression model is unable to predict almost one fifth of the young people that are disinterested in politics in Lithuania. Thus, the usual suspects do not explain this phenomenon fully, and particular countries should be explored more deeply.
In the recent years, consolidated democracies have faced a great decline in citizens' participation and interest in political life. The latest researches show that young people are especially disengaged and alien to political life. Moreover, Lithuania seems to have the greatest number of young people who are not interested in politics in the "so-called" developed world (OECD countries and candidates) and has the highest gap between the general and the youth interest in politics. Therefore, this article analyzes what are the reasons for the disinterest in politics of the youth in Lithuania. Contemporary theories and empirical researches suggest rather different answers to the question. In particular, it is said that youths' interest in politics can be determined by three categories of factors: socioeconomic/sociodemographic (income, wellbeing, education, race and gender), psychological (political efficacy: self-confidence as internal political efficacy and trust in political system as external political efficacy) as well as socializing factors (discussions with family and friends, media, volunteering). In order to find why Lithuania has such a high level of youth disinterest in politics, the analysis is performed on an individual level. Logistic regression analysis shows that the most relevant determinants for the youth interest in politics in Lithuania are a greater usage of media, accompanied with more frequent discussions with family and friends, a higher trust in the parliament as well as a higher level of education. Yet, the greatest determinant of whether a young person will be interested in politics are the elections; i.e., data from the year 2016 signalizes a much greater youth interest in politics compared to the 2012, thus inviting to analyze more deeply the existing differences between the two elections. To check if the variables had proved significant on the individual level, bore any semblance on the country level and explained the exception of Lithuania, an aggregate analysis was conducted. Correlations were found between the level of youth disinterest in politics and income per capita, trust in the national government, discussions with friends and the usage of media. Lithuania, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia appear to be in one group based on most of the analyzed criteria. Though altogether these factors seem to be pretty good determinants, the Lithuanian case is, however, not fully explained by them – a regression model is unable to predict almost one fifth of the young people that are disinterested in politics in Lithuania. Thus, the usual suspects do not explain this phenomenon fully, and particular countries should be explored more deeply.
In the recent years, consolidated democracies have faced a great decline in citizens' participation and interest in political life. The latest researches show that young people are especially disengaged and alien to political life. Moreover, Lithuania seems to have the greatest number of young people who are not interested in politics in the "so-called" developed world (OECD countries and candidates) and has the highest gap between the general and the youth interest in politics. Therefore, this article analyzes what are the reasons for the disinterest in politics of the youth in Lithuania. Contemporary theories and empirical researches suggest rather different answers to the question. In particular, it is said that youths' interest in politics can be determined by three categories of factors: socioeconomic/sociodemographic (income, wellbeing, education, race and gender), psychological (political efficacy: self-confidence as internal political efficacy and trust in political system as external political efficacy) as well as socializing factors (discussions with family and friends, media, volunteering). In order to find why Lithuania has such a high level of youth disinterest in politics, the analysis is performed on an individual level. Logistic regression analysis shows that the most relevant determinants for the youth interest in politics in Lithuania are a greater usage of media, accompanied with more frequent discussions with family and friends, a higher trust in the parliament as well as a higher level of education. Yet, the greatest determinant of whether a young person will be interested in politics are the elections; i.e., data from the year 2016 signalizes a much greater youth interest in politics compared to the 2012, thus inviting to analyze more deeply the existing differences between the two elections. To check if the variables had proved significant on the individual level, bore any semblance on the country level and explained the exception of Lithuania, an aggregate analysis was conducted. Correlations were found between the level of youth disinterest in politics and income per capita, trust in the national government, discussions with friends and the usage of media. Lithuania, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia appear to be in one group based on most of the analyzed criteria. Though altogether these factors seem to be pretty good determinants, the Lithuanian case is, however, not fully explained by them – a regression model is unable to predict almost one fifth of the young people that are disinterested in politics in Lithuania. Thus, the usual suspects do not explain this phenomenon fully, and particular countries should be explored more deeply.
In the recent years, consolidated democracies have faced a great decline in citizens' participation and interest in political life. The latest researches show that young people are especially disengaged and alien to political life. Moreover, Lithuania seems to have the greatest number of young people who are not interested in politics in the "so-called" developed world (OECD countries and candidates) and has the highest gap between the general and the youth interest in politics. Therefore, this article analyzes what are the reasons for the disinterest in politics of the youth in Lithuania. Contemporary theories and empirical researches suggest rather different answers to the question. In particular, it is said that youths' interest in politics can be determined by three categories of factors: socioeconomic/sociodemographic (income, wellbeing, education, race and gender), psychological (political efficacy: self-confidence as internal political efficacy and trust in political system as external political efficacy) as well as socializing factors (discussions with family and friends, media, volunteering). In order to find why Lithuania has such a high level of youth disinterest in politics, the analysis is performed on an individual level. Logistic regression analysis shows that the most relevant determinants for the youth interest in politics in Lithuania are a greater usage of media, accompanied with more frequent discussions with family and friends, a higher trust in the parliament as well as a higher level of education. Yet, the greatest determinant of whether a young person will be interested in politics are the elections; i.e., data from the year 2016 signalizes a much greater youth interest in politics compared to the 2012, thus inviting to analyze more deeply the existing differences between the two elections. To check if the variables had proved significant on the individual level, bore any semblance on the country level and explained the exception of Lithuania, an aggregate analysis was conducted. Correlations were found between the level of youth disinterest in politics and income per capita, trust in the national government, discussions with friends and the usage of media. Lithuania, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia appear to be in one group based on most of the analyzed criteria. Though altogether these factors seem to be pretty good determinants, the Lithuanian case is, however, not fully explained by them – a regression model is unable to predict almost one fifth of the young people that are disinterested in politics in Lithuania. Thus, the usual suspects do not explain this phenomenon fully, and particular countries should be explored more deeply.
The goal of the study was to analyze communication about parents' experiences of political oppression in Lithuania (deportation to Siberia or political imprisonment) among second generation survivors during the Communism regime. We assumed that survivors' traumatic experiences have an impact on adult o.spring of survivors, and communication might involve avoidance in talking about parents political violence experiences. Materials and methods. One Hundred Forty-Five second generation survivors, who had at least one parent whom experienced political imprisonment or forced displacement during the Soviet occupation in Lithuania participated in our study. Mailed questionnaires included demographic data and open questions about communication with their parents concerning the parents political oppression. Thematic analysis was used to analyze qualitative data. Results and conclusions. Second generation participants found out about the forced displacement and political imprisonment of their parents during childhood. For some of the participants these memories were interesting and had a positive impact, for example, they were proud of their parents. For other participants, the topic of their parents oppression was painful and caused negative feelings such as fear and anger. While there was no direct question in the questionnaire concerning the topic of oppression, it was still mentioned in the participants' answers. One characteristic feature of communication about oppression is silence and mystery. This was partly determined by the social and political circumstances of the soviet regime.
The goal of the study was to analyze communication about parents' experiences of political oppression in Lithuania (deportation to Siberia or political imprisonment) among second generation survivors during the Communism regime. We assumed that survivors' traumatic experiences have an impact on adult o.spring of survivors, and communication might involve avoidance in talking about parents political violence experiences. Materials and methods. One Hundred Forty-Five second generation survivors, who had at least one parent whom experienced political imprisonment or forced displacement during the Soviet occupation in Lithuania participated in our study. Mailed questionnaires included demographic data and open questions about communication with their parents concerning the parents political oppression. Thematic analysis was used to analyze qualitative data. Results and conclusions. Second generation participants found out about the forced displacement and political imprisonment of their parents during childhood. For some of the participants these memories were interesting and had a positive impact, for example, they were proud of their parents. For other participants, the topic of their parents oppression was painful and caused negative feelings such as fear and anger. While there was no direct question in the questionnaire concerning the topic of oppression, it was still mentioned in the participants' answers. One characteristic feature of communication about oppression is silence and mystery. This was partly determined by the social and political circumstances of the soviet regime.
The goal of the study was to analyze communication about parents' experiences of political oppression in Lithuania (deportation to Siberia or political imprisonment) among second generation survivors during the Communism regime. We assumed that survivors' traumatic experiences have an impact on adult o.spring of survivors, and communication might involve avoidance in talking about parents political violence experiences. Materials and methods. One Hundred Forty-Five second generation survivors, who had at least one parent whom experienced political imprisonment or forced displacement during the Soviet occupation in Lithuania participated in our study. Mailed questionnaires included demographic data and open questions about communication with their parents concerning the parents political oppression. Thematic analysis was used to analyze qualitative data. Results and conclusions. Second generation participants found out about the forced displacement and political imprisonment of their parents during childhood. For some of the participants these memories were interesting and had a positive impact, for example, they were proud of their parents. For other participants, the topic of their parents oppression was painful and caused negative feelings such as fear and anger. While there was no direct question in the questionnaire concerning the topic of oppression, it was still mentioned in the participants' answers. One characteristic feature of communication about oppression is silence and mystery. This was partly determined by the social and political circumstances of the soviet regime.
The goal of the study was to analyze communication about parents' experiences of political oppression in Lithuania (deportation to Siberia or political imprisonment) among second generation survivors during the Communism regime. We assumed that survivors' traumatic experiences have an impact on adult o.spring of survivors, and communication might involve avoidance in talking about parents political violence experiences. Materials and methods. One Hundred Forty-Five second generation survivors, who had at least one parent whom experienced political imprisonment or forced displacement during the Soviet occupation in Lithuania participated in our study. Mailed questionnaires included demographic data and open questions about communication with their parents concerning the parents political oppression. Thematic analysis was used to analyze qualitative data. Results and conclusions. Second generation participants found out about the forced displacement and political imprisonment of their parents during childhood. For some of the participants these memories were interesting and had a positive impact, for example, they were proud of their parents. For other participants, the topic of their parents oppression was painful and caused negative feelings such as fear and anger. While there was no direct question in the questionnaire concerning the topic of oppression, it was still mentioned in the participants' answers. One characteristic feature of communication about oppression is silence and mystery. This was partly determined by the social and political circumstances of the soviet regime.
The object of this work is to research functional test generation methods for delay faults. Manufacturing of programmable chips always has possibility that in those systems will be delay faults that means: input signal for some reasons appear in the output after longer time than the time was definite. In our days, programmable chips are used in the industry for the management of various civil and military manufacturing processes, for instance medicine. Delay fault testing is very important part for the system safety and trustiness. Today those requests become higher and higher, because human safety is common importance. Created test generation algorithm of the functional test that is based solely on the primary input values and the primary output values of the programming prototype. System was tested by simple step by step model,(which is presented in the fourth part of this document). The obtained results are useful and acceptable. All results are presented in the appendix of this document. The experiment contains 24 logic schemas processed test generation algorithm. The work includes of 42 pictures, 27 tables and conceptual dictionary. 15 bibliographical sources have been used.
The object of this work is to research functional test generation methods for delay faults. Manufacturing of programmable chips always has possibility that in those systems will be delay faults that means: input signal for some reasons appear in the output after longer time than the time was definite. In our days, programmable chips are used in the industry for the management of various civil and military manufacturing processes, for instance medicine. Delay fault testing is very important part for the system safety and trustiness. Today those requests become higher and higher, because human safety is common importance. Created test generation algorithm of the functional test that is based solely on the primary input values and the primary output values of the programming prototype. System was tested by simple step by step model,(which is presented in the fourth part of this document). The obtained results are useful and acceptable. All results are presented in the appendix of this document. The experiment contains 24 logic schemas processed test generation algorithm. The work includes of 42 pictures, 27 tables and conceptual dictionary. 15 bibliographical sources have been used.
The object of this work is to research functional test generation methods for delay faults. Manufacturing of programmable chips always has possibility that in those systems will be delay faults that means: input signal for some reasons appear in the output after longer time than the time was definite. In our days, programmable chips are used in the industry for the management of various civil and military manufacturing processes, for instance medicine. Delay fault testing is very important part for the system safety and trustiness. Today those requests become higher and higher, because human safety is common importance. Created test generation algorithm of the functional test that is based solely on the primary input values and the primary output values of the programming prototype. System was tested by simple step by step model,(which is presented in the fourth part of this document). The obtained results are useful and acceptable. All results are presented in the appendix of this document. The experiment contains 24 logic schemas processed test generation algorithm. The work includes of 42 pictures, 27 tables and conceptual dictionary. 15 bibliographical sources have been used.
The object of this work is to research functional test generation methods for delay faults. Manufacturing of programmable chips always has possibility that in those systems will be delay faults that means: input signal for some reasons appear in the output after longer time than the time was definite. In our days, programmable chips are used in the industry for the management of various civil and military manufacturing processes, for instance medicine. Delay fault testing is very important part for the system safety and trustiness. Today those requests become higher and higher, because human safety is common importance. Created test generation algorithm of the functional test that is based solely on the primary input values and the primary output values of the programming prototype. System was tested by simple step by step model,(which is presented in the fourth part of this document). The obtained results are useful and acceptable. All results are presented in the appendix of this document. The experiment contains 24 logic schemas processed test generation algorithm. The work includes of 42 pictures, 27 tables and conceptual dictionary. 15 bibliographical sources have been used.
This dissertation analyses long-term intergenerational psychological effects of political trauma. According to trauma psychology and studies of impacts of political repression, it was presumed that the long-term psychological effects of political repression are felt not just by the survivors, but also by their adult children. The aim of this study is to evaluate long-term psychological effects of Soviet and Nazi repression to repressed second generation, and to establish intergenerational links of mental health between survivors of political repression and second generation. Altogether three groups of second generation were surveyed: children of survivors of Soviet and Nazi repression, Holocaust second generation and children of not-repressed Lithuanian citizens. According to the thematic analyses of qualitative data, various long-term psychological consequences of parents' political repression were identified, second generation connect some of their hardship with these experiences. Path analysis revealed relationship of posttraumatic reactions of parent and child. On the other hand statistical analysis disclosed that current posttraumatic reactions of second generation in general, hopelessness and sense of coherence of second generation of survivors of political repression in Lithuania are the same as in two comparison groups. These results are in line with Holocaust second generation research trends – there are long-term consequences, but second generation does not differ by their psychopathology.
This dissertation analyses long-term intergenerational psychological effects of political trauma. According to trauma psychology and studies of impacts of political repression, it was presumed that the long-term psychological effects of political repression are felt not just by the survivors, but also by their adult children. The aim of this study is to evaluate long-term psychological effects of Soviet and Nazi repression to repressed second generation, and to establish intergenerational links of mental health between survivors of political repression and second generation. Altogether three groups of second generation were surveyed: children of survivors of Soviet and Nazi repression, Holocaust second generation and children of not-repressed Lithuanian citizens. According to the thematic analyses of qualitative data, various long-term psychological consequences of parents' political repression were identified, second generation connect some of their hardship with these experiences. Path analysis revealed relationship of posttraumatic reactions of parent and child. On the other hand statistical analysis disclosed that current posttraumatic reactions of second generation in general, hopelessness and sense of coherence of second generation of survivors of political repression in Lithuania are the same as in two comparison groups. These results are in line with Holocaust second generation research trends – there are long-term consequences, but second generation does not differ by their psychopathology.
This paper analyzes the possibilities of generating creative tools for Social Practice Art (SPA) to be used at Migrating Academy. The research focuses on the concept of social practice art in the international context, analyses creative forms and their potential development. The goals and objectives of the activity are clearly defined, and the possibilities to generate new forms of art and education at Migrating Academy are presented. The aim of the research is to analyse the possibilities of generating creative tools for social practice art. To achieve this aim, the following objectives have been set: to analyse the concept of social practice art, its origin and development, to define different forms of social practice art and their future prospects, to discuss the peculiarities of their generation at Migrating Academy and to investigate the possibilities to generate creative tools of social practice art by carrying out a qualitative research. The hypothesis in the thesis is that the generation of creative tools for social practice art through the development and implementation of social and education policy at Migrating Academy as a social and institutional process opens opportunities for social, cultural and political changes in society. In order to analyse the possibilities of generating creative tools for art of social practice at Migrating Academy, a research was carried out by using a qualitative research strategy as well as the interview method. The survey included 9 informants-experts from nine countries (Lithuania, Italy, the UK, Bangladesh, Indonesia, the USA, Canada, Nigeria and Mexico): 5 females and 3 males. The selected age group was from 30 to 65 years. The respondents from Italy, Mexico, and Nigeria are experts who have PhD degrees in Arts, are working in higher education and create works in the sphere of SPA. The Bangladesh-UK respondent is a PhD student who is studying in the UK and working for the Bangladesh Ministry of Education. The respondents from Lithuania, Indonesia, Canada, the USA are artists or activists in the SPA area. The traditional method of qualitative content analysis was used for the analysis of the research data. The analysis of scientific literature and documents confirmed that both social practice art and Migrating Academy have a significant impact on the generation of creative tools for social practice art in the international context, on the expansion of artistic views and horizons going beyond the usual perception and covering all possible areas from politics, economics to fast-growing technological advances and neuroscience achievements. The results of the research showed that Migrating Academy may offer significant opportunities to generate tools for social practice art and education. This is clearly proved by the experts' opinions which have been collected and processed by qualitative research tools, and they provide strong arguments that: - the boundary separating social practice from social practice art is dynamic so the opportunities to participate in SPA activities will increase in the future. This would depend on the artists' creativity and their ability to develop the scope of their creative activities and their outcomes through the variety of organized projects; - the United States of America with its neighbouring countries on the continent remains the epicentre of SPA. A great variety of SPA projects is also noticeable in the countries with high class exclusion and multinational culture, as well as in the countries where the state funding is provided for project implementation; - by promoting the active involvement of social groups and solving their problems, artists and groups of artists can become leaders who will offer their innovative ideas and problem-solving techniques; - innovative, sometimes unconventional but clearly defined methods are required to establish contacts between artists and communities or social groups, to deal with difficult situations and build mutual trust; - most artists use the principles of traditional pedagogy to create SPA, however, they intuitively feel that it is not enough for their projects. Consequently, they start to create innovative forms. The pedagogical principles of SPA projects are developing and changing, because the form of this art itself is very dynamic and flexible, dependent on the environment and its problems; - SPA activities are gradually eliminating the boundaries between disciplines, leading to the development of a new form of art that is not oriented to the production of artistic products, but to the social process which stimulates social changes through art. This process is only possible through unique forms of expression, including pedagogical ones, because pedagogy which is affected radically by SPA has to develop new forms and completely new quality; - social practice art itself includes great opportunities which allow artists to generate new skills, knowledge and art forms. New project opportunities allow to create innovative creative spaces and new thinking strategy. The stereotypical perception of art and its academic model are changing; - migrating academy is becoming a continually pulsating and changing world culture that makes information accessible to everybody and provides opportunities to perform not only online but also in real life with real people. Migrating academy can provide its students with work and creative tools that will be impossible if only traditional models of perception of art and creativity are used. The respondents' statements investigated by the means of qualitative research confirmed the hypothesis that the generation of creative tools for social practice art through the development and implementation of social and education policy at migrating academy as a social and institutional process opens opportunities for social, cultural and political changes in society.
