The author analyses the socio-cultural determinants which influence the internal structure of collective action. It is determined by: the ability to fulfill contracts, the predictability of behaviour and showing trust to others. The author goes on to describe the factors that limit them as a result of the specificity of social relations in the Polish society, which 82 Janusz Hryniewicz Studia z Polityki Publicznej are dominated by the network of micro-groups and it means that only within them - not within the wider society - one can see social relations, in which contracts tend to be fulfilled and trust guaranteed. At the same time, the author indicates that the Polish society's capacity for collective action seems to be limited as a result of the fact that the Cartesian culture has not been fully adopted. There are many ramifications of that including a lower potential to analyse the goals of collective actions and making them more rational. In the Cartesian type of societies, their members are more favourably inclined to act together. They are more favourably adapted towards democracy, collective action and one can see a higher level of self-organisation, a wider range of personal freedom, as well as the setting up of associations. There is no need to impose top-down directives and top-down coordination when collective action must be taken.
The aim of this study was to present private and official codifications concerning the topic of responsibility of international organizations. Moreover, it highlighted some controversial issues which occurred during the work of International Law Commission (ILC). The topic of responsibility of international organizations was analyzed both by private bodies such as Institute de Droit International and International Law Association and – as mentioned above – ILC. The efforts of Institute de Droit International resulted in a resolution on The Legal Consequences for Member States of the Non-fulfilment by International Organizations of their Obligations toward Third Parties. While in 1996 International Law Association studied these topics, a Committee on the Accountability of International Organizations was established. These private drafts paid attention of ILC to some legal issues which helped ILC to identify problems which require further discussion. After completion of its work on State responsibility in 2001, ILC decided to include the topic Responsibility of International Organizations in its work program. Mr G. Gaja was appointed the Special Rapporteur and in years 2003-2011 he presented eight reports which took into account the comments and observations received from governments and international organizations. In his reports he largely followed the model of Articles on State Responsibility for Internationally Wrongful Acts. In 2011 the Commission adopted the draft of 67 articles on Responsibility of International Organizations, divided into six parts. The Draft Articles aimed at codification of a set of secondary rules applicable to a wide range of international organizations. The codifications of rules on the responsibility of international organizations was a very difficult task due to diversity of international organizations, which differ in size, functions and competence. Furthermore, there is a lack of relevant practice that would allow to elaborate the principles relating to responsibility of international organizations. Nonetheless, the responsibility for international wrongful acts is the most important institution of international law irrespective of the subject which committed a wrongful act. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim
Confessional policy is primarily a specific kind of public policy of the state, focused on the activity of religious organizations (religious or confessional associations), that is, communities whose purpose is to confess and spread religious faith (within the meaning of each religion), having their own hierarchy, doctrine and worship. The essence of politics is then shaping the relationship of the state with individual religious relationships, but also influencing the relations between them. The religious policy of the state includes activities of a conceptual, program, operational and executive nature, implemented by specialized entities of state power towards religious entities. Under the conditions of a democratic state, they are administrative institutions (independent, e.g. in the form of an office or ministry, or being part of a wider structure, e.g. a department within the ministry) and special services (e.g. monitoring the activities of religious fundamentalists or destructive sects). In authoritarian and totalitarian countries, the subject pursuing denominational policy may be more complex (e.g., apart from state structures, party structures have a decisive status, and extended special services also play a greater role). Confessional policy is conditioned by a number factors, among which the following can be distinguished: internal (e.g. the specificity and the religious and confessional structure of the state, the political system, the ideology prevailing in the state, the pragmatics of political struggle, the legal and systemic religious model of the state, the relationships between the ethno-cultural and religious identifications) and external (e.g., state security considerations, the nature of confessional policy within the international environment, geopolitical conditions, international legal norms in which the said state participates, the scale and nature of international "networking" of a given religious community). Among the varieties of confessional policy the following can be distinguished: the confessional policy of the concession (practically unrestricted, with the activities of a religious association state-supported or at least approved), the confessional policy of rationalizing (consent of the state to the basic activity of religious associations, directed mainly at the faithful of their own community and consent to limited external activity) and the confessional policy of liquidation (counteracting the negatively evaluated tendencies and phenomena occurring in the activities of a religious organization, or even attempts at its delegalisation and complete eradication). The confessional policy of the state is most often considered as a component of internal policy, however, it may also be an important component of foreign policy. ; Celem artykułu jest zdefiniowanie polityki wyznaniowej oraz ustalenie zakresu występowania tego zjawiska. Towarzyszy temu prezentacja najważniejszych uwarunkowań (wewnętrznych i zewnętrznych), profilów polityki wyznaniowej (koncesja, reglamentacja i likwidacja) oraz prawidłowości w jej obszarze. Poza podmiotowością państwa – jako głównego twórcy i realizatora polityki wyznaniowej – w takiej roli można odnaleźć także: organizacje międzynarodowe, podmioty samorządowe, związki religijne oraz podmioty wewnątrzkonfesyjne (frakcje, grupy interesu). W artykule podjęto również próbę zarysowania najważniejszych zależności między polityką wyznaniową państwa, jego strukturą religijną oraz zróżnicowanym podłożem systemowym i ustrojowym. Rozważania umiejscowiono w kontekście refleksji naukowej na gruncie politologii religii.
Celem tego artykułu jest próba pokazania skutków akcesji Polski do Unii Europejskiej na szerszym tle stosunków międzynarodowych i w kontekście zmian, które miały miejsce w Unii w minionym dziesięcioleciu. Mamy więc tutaj do czynienia ze swoistym bilansem sukcesów i porażek, których doznała Polska w latach 2004–2014. Niniejszy artykuł pokazuje, że po dwudziestu pięciu latach od rozpoczęcia transformacji ustrojowej w Polsce i dziesięciu latach od akcesji do Unii Europejskiej nie ulega wątpliwości, że nasze członkostwo w tym specyficznym, dobrowolnie zintegrowanym związku suwerennych państw Europy było konieczne i nieuniknione. Jest to zarazem główna teza niniejszego artykułu. Było to jedyne, właściwe rozwiązanie dla Polski, które wynikało z jej geopolitycznego położenia i historycznych doświadczeń. Wbrew wcześniejszym obawom, nie zaszkodziło naszej suwerenności i tożsamości narodowej. Autor podkreśla, że członkostwo w Unii Europejskiej wzmocniło suwerenność Polski oraz dobrze służy polskiej racji stanu. Wpływa pozytywnie na rozwój gospodarczy Polski oraz umacnia jej prestiż na arenie międzynarodowej. ; The purpose of this article is an attempt to show the effects of the Polish accession to the European Union in a wider context of international relations and in the context of the changes that have taken place in the Union in the past decade. So we are dealing here with a specific balance of successes and failures, which Poland suffered during the years 2004–2014. This article shows that after twenty-five years since the beginning of political transformation in Poland, and ten years after the accession to the European Union, there is no doubt that our membership in this specific, integrated voluntary association of sovereign states in Europe was necessary and inevitable. It is also the main thesis of this article. It was the only right solution for Poland, which was due to its geopolitical position and historical experience. Despite earlier fears, it did not hurt our sovereignty and national identity. The author states that membership in the European Union strengthened Polish sovereignty and thrive Polish raison d'etat. It has a positive impact on its development. ; 4 ; Przegląd Politologiczny
The purpose of this article is an attempt to show the effects of the Polish accession to the European Union in a wider context of international relations and in the context of the changes that have taken place in the Union in the past decade. So we are dealing here with a specific balance of successes and failures, which Poland suffered during the years 2004–2014.This article shows that after twenty-five years since the beginning of political transformation in Poland, and ten years after the accession to the European Union, there is no doubt that our membership in this specific, integrated voluntary association of sovereign states in Europe was necessary and inevitable. It is also the main thesis of this article. It was the only right solution for Poland, which was due to its geopolitical position and historical experience. Despite earlier fears, it did not hurt our sovereignty and national identity.The author states that membership in the European Union strengthened Polish sovereignty and thrive Polish raison d'etat. It has a positive impact on its development. ; Celem tego artykułu jest próba pokazania skutków akcesji Polski do Unii Europejskiej na szerszym tle stosunków międzynarodowych i w kontekście zmian, które miały miejsce w Unii w minionym dziesięcioleciu. Mamy więc tutaj do czynienia ze swoistym bilansem sukcesów i porażek, których doznała Polska w latach 2004–2014.Niniejszy artykuł pokazuje, że po dwudziestu pięciu latach od rozpoczęcia transformacji ustrojowej w Polsce i dziesięciu latach od akcesji do Unii Europejskiej nie ulega wątpliwości, że nasze członkostwo w tym specyficznym, dobrowolnie zintegrowanym związku suwerennych państw Europy było konieczne i nieuniknione. Jest to zarazem główna teza niniejszego artykułu. Było to jedyne, właściwe rozwiązanie dla Polski, które wynikało z jej geopolitycznego położenia i historycznych doświadczeń. Wbrew wcześniejszym obawom, nie zaszkodziło naszej suwerenności i tożsamości narodowej.Autor podkreśla, że członkostwo w Unii Europejskiej wzmocniło suwerenność Polski oraz dobrze służy polskiej racji stanu. Wpływa pozytywnie na rozwój gospodarczy Polski oraz umacnia jej prestiż na arenie międzynarodowej.
