Suchergebnisse

"Genetics and Heritability Research on Political Decision Making" published on by Oxford University Press.

How are employee's risk of being temporary employed linked to occupational closure? Stefan Stuth (2017) derived various measures for occupational closure to answer this question. The data set includes these measures for different Dictionaries of occupational titles in Germany for the years 2000, 2004, and 2007 (KldB 1992 with 4 digits, KldB 1992 with 3 digits, KldB 2010 with 5 digits). The closure measures provided by the data are:

1) Credentialism. Stuth calculates a "credential inflation index (CIX)" which relates the number of all newly awarded occupation-specific credentials to the number of employees in the respective occupation.

2) Standardization. This measure indicates whether credentials are standardized on the school/university level, the level of states or on the federal level.

3) Licensure. The indicator measures the licensure of tasks.

4) Title protection. The indicator measures the legal protection of occupational titles.

5) Occupational specificity. The measure indicates whether occupational incumbents performing highly specialized tasks or whether they are generalist and do a wide range of tasks.

6) Task-niches. The measure indicates whether occupational incumbents performing tasks that are only rarely performed by members from other occupations or whether they are doing tasks that are common for most occupations.

7) Occupational associations. This indicator states whether occupations are represented by associations that lobby on the behalf of their members.

8) Occupation-specific trade unions. The measure indicates whether occupational unions like the train-driver association (GDL) have the right to collective bargain on behalf of the occupational incumbents within firms.

Some control variables are also included.

"Labor unions are interest associations of workers in waged employment. They are formed to improve the market situation and the life chances of their members, by representing them in the labor market, at the workplace, and in the polity, and in particular by collectively regulating their members' terms of employment. Unions emerged in the transition to industrial society in the nineteenth century, together with the de-fedualization of work, the rise of free labor markets, and the commodification of labor. While employing modern means of formal organization, they represent an element of traditional collectivism in a market economy and society. Unions have taken a wide variety of forms and adopted different strategies in different historical periods, countries, and sectors. They are therefore favorite subjects of comparative social science." (excerpt)

The original signatory states to the Treaty of Rome had formally committed themselves to policies of liberalisation by implementing mutual recognition in the sector of professional services by the end of the twelve year transition period. In fact, the process took much longer and the freedom of services implemented in the early 1990s affected professional services in various forms and different degrees.
Business consulting is an industry with a tradition of rather low degree of market regulation in all European countries. However, it is indirectly affected by a high level of regulation in neighbouring fields of business services and in some of the fields where they have developed special consulting expertise. As a consequence re-regulations of these branches do have an impact on the consultants' business as well.
There is a wide agreement in the political and scientific debates over the shift of decision making arenas and powers from the national to the supranational and from the public to the private sector. We argue that business asso-ciations and large companies can be regarded as co-responsible for the increasing impact of supranational institutions on the sectoral governance.
Based on the analysis of documents and on expert interviews in Brussels and in Germany (with representatives of associations and companies) we will highlight the need for differentiation among professions (and would be-professions) and concerning groups of organisations (associations and companies).

The voluntary sector & participative citizenship are interconnected in complex ways that relate to areas of political, social, & economical pluralism & the development of varied initiative taking in society. In the political dimension, the voluntary sector provides service delivery, possibly through state contracts, & also seeks social change through advocacy & activism. It, therefore, experiences tension between financial relations & the need for independence. Services & goods provided by public benefit associations constitute social economy. This work often requires entrepreneurial skills & focuses on areas that are inefficient through the public sector. It requires government support through effective policy, & often protection through umbrella organizations. The voluntary sector is important in brokering policies & establishing issues in a wide range of policy issues, & has excellent potential to share expertise for government planning. The voluntary/civil sector is a source of new thinking & a link between the citizen, the activist, & the politician. L. A. Hoffman

Argues that the neocorporatist model of labor politics that was initially developed by early integration theorists, & applied by particular nation-states in the 1950s & 1960s, was never realized at the European Union (EU) level -- primarily because, in contrast to the nation-state level, labor continued to be underorganized & thus could not stimulate an interaction effect between capital, the state, & itself. The underorganization of labor is traced to wide regional disparities in Europe & corresponding differences in national labor movements. Other causes for the failure of the neocorporatist model in EU integration efforts include the presence of the Council of Ministers, which worked to halt any attempt by supranational bodies to organize interests, & the strength of national corporatist efforts. Three trends indicate that the restoration of neocorporatism at either the national or supranational level is unlikely: (1) an increasing differentiation of social structures & collective interests in advanced capitalist societies; (2) market instability & volatility; & (3) changing roles & structures of interest associations. The future of interest politics at the nation-state & EU levels in light of this context is discussed. D. M. Smith