Suchergebnisse

U tekstu se prikazuje sustav lokalne samouprave u dvije europske zemlje, Njemačkoj i Francuskoj. Obrađuju se razine, broj i vrsta teritorijalnih jedinica te organizacija i struktura njihovih lokalnih samouprava. Prikazuju se različiti institucionalni oblici međuopćinskog povezivanja i suradnje koji proizlaze iz duge tradicije, ali i teritorijalnih reformi novijeg datuma. Uspoređuju se modernizacijske i menadžerske reforme lokalne samouprave od 1980-ih na- dalje te se prati proces njihova provođenja koji se u Njemačkoj uglavnom pokretao odozdo (bottom-up), dok ga je u Francuskoj vodila središnja država (top-down). ; The authors have described local self-government systems in Germany and France. They have analysed the levels, the number and type of territorial units, and the organisation and structure of German and French local self-governments. Different institutional forms of intermunicipal cooperation and connections springing from a long tradition, as well as from relatively recent territorial reforms, are shown. Modernisation and managerial reforms of local self-government since the 1980s onwards are compared, together with the process of their implementation, which has been conducted bottom-up in Germany and top-down in France.

Autor razmatra politički profil Alternative za Njemačku kako bi pridonio razumijevanju njezine pojave u političkom životu Njemačke. Analizom izbornih programa provjerava njezin položaj na osi lijevo-desno te stavove o europskim integracijama, nacionalizmu i multikulturalizmu, te o ekonomskoj politici i demokraciji. Multivarijantnom regresijskom analizom ispituje prediktivnu snagu konfesionalnih, dobnih, obrazovnih, migracijskih i ekonomskih obilježja izbornih okruga u objašnjenju varijacije u postotku glasova. Istraživanjem biografskih obilježja članova vodstva stranke testira se pretpostavljena zajednička demografska i ideološka pozadina stranačke elite. Pokazalo se da Alternativa za Njemačku odudara od stavova drugih stranaka u gledanjima na Europsku uniju, nacionalizam, multikulturalizam i ekonomsku politiku, ali ne odskače značajno na osi lijevo-desno, kao ni prema stavovima o demokraciji. Za predikciju glasovanja za tu stranku najvažnijima su se pokazala regionalna (rascjep istok-zapad), dobna i ekonomska obilježja izbornih okruga. Biografska analiza stranačke elita otkriva visok postotak bivših članova njemačkih demokršćanskih stranaka, te prevlast starijih visokoobrazovanih muškaraca u njoj. ; This paper analyzes the political profile of the Alternative for Germany to contribute to the understanding of its emergence in the German political life. An analysis of electoral manifestos tests the party's left-right position, stances on European integration, nationalism, and multiculturalism as well as on economic policy and democracy. A multiple regression analysis examines the predictive power of religion, age, education, migration, and economic status as characteristics of electoral districts explaining the variation in the party's vote percentage. An assessment of biographies of the party's leadership tests the presumed common demographic and ideologic background of the party elite. The article shows that new party differs from other German parties regarding the EU, nationalism, and multiculturalism, and economic policy, yet does not represent an outlier on the left-right scale, nor in its stance on democracy. The study of predictors of the vote for the Alternative for Germany has shown that regional (East/West cleavage), age and economic characteristics of electoral districts hold most importance. The biographic analysis of the party elite reveals a high percentage of previous CDU/CSU members and a dominance of elderly, well-educated men.

Pitanje kako formirati vladu ako izborni rezultat nije dovoljno jasan za određivanje kontura za njezino oblikovanje otvara se kada stranke nisu jasno obznanile svoje saveze prije izbora ili kada izborni rezultat nije izlučio apsolutnu većinu u korist jedne ili druge predizborno stvorene koalicije stranaka. Njemački odgovor daje prednost većinskom elementu nad ideološkim elementom. Umjesto stava da najbrojnija parlamentarna stranka nužno mora vladati ili da sukob dviju najvećih stranaka apsolutno isključuje njihov savez u postizbornom vladanju političke stranke smatraju da obvezatno moraju djelovati kako bi se institucionalno stvorila većina potrebna za vladanje. Njemačka doktrina iznosi da nužnost raspolaganja radno sposobnom vladom vrijedi više od stranačkih ideoloških razmatranja i prosudbi. U zbilji njemačkog parlamentarnog sustava predsjednik SR Njemačke predlaže za kancelara osobu koja na temelju objavljenog pismenog koalicijskog sporazuma zaključenog u prethodnom postupku formiranja vlade, prije započinjanja formalnog ustavom propisanog postupka, dokazuje da uživa apsolutnu većinu svih zastupnika u Bundestagu. U Velikoj Britaniji ustavna se zagonetka o formiranju vlade u slučaju da izbori ne rezultiraju apsolutnom većinom za pojedinu stranku u Donjem domu rješava ustavnom konvencijom. Od aktualne vlade očekuje se da podnese ostavku ako postane jasno da neće moći dobiti povjerenje Donjeg doma te ako postoji jasna alternativa. Ustav Republike Hrvatske (čl. 98.) određuje obvezatno obavljanje konzultacija, odnosno provedbu neformalnog prethodnog postupka za formiranje vlade. Takav postupak u praksi čine istražni koalicijski razgovori i završni dogovor vidljiv u koalicijskom sporazumu (SR Njemačka) ili na listi potpisa većine svih zastupnika (Hrvatska). ; The question of how to form the government if the election result is not sufficiently clear to determine the contours of its design presents itself when the parties have not made clear alliances before the elections, or if the election result did not produce an absolute majority in favour of either electoral alliance created before the elections. The German response to this problem favours the majority element over the ideological element. Instead of the view that the largest parliamentary party must necessarily rule, or that the conflict between the two largest parties absolutely excludes a post-electoral alliance, political parties consider it essential to try to institutionally create the majority required to govern. According to the German doctrine the necessity to have a working government at disposal is worth more than the party-oriented ideological considerations and positions. In the reality of the German parliamentary system, the German President proposes for a Chancellor a person who, based on a published written coalition agreement concluded in the previous procedure of forming the government, before the formal constitutionally prescribed due process, proves that he or she enjoys the confidence of an absolute majority of all the members of the Bundestag. In the UK, the constitutional puzzle of forming the government in the event that elections do not result in an absolute majority for a party in the House of Commons, is dealt with by a Constitutional convention. The current government is expected to resign if it becomes clear that it will not be able to secure the confidence of the House of Commons, and if there is a clear alternative. In Croatia, the President of the Republic gives the mandate to form the Government to the person who, upon the distribution of seats and consultations with parliamentary parties, enjoys the confidence of the majority of all the representatives. Giving the mandate to form the government without proof of consultations in previous proceedings (the list of signatures) provided to the head of a coalition that receives the most votes (a relative majority) would be unconstitutional.

Rad pručava politike razvojne pomoći kao instrumente moći za postizanje vanjskopolitičkih ciljeva koji koriste u prvom redu državama-inicijatoricama. Rad se fokusira na dvije velike europske zemlje: Francusku Republiku i Saveznu Republiku Njemačke, koje su ujedno gospodarski i politički najmoćnije zemlje članice Europske unije. Promjenom paradigme, iz one u kojoj najveću korist od politika razvojne pomoći imaju slabije razvijene zemlje u paradigmu kako dugoročno najveću korist imaju upravo zemlje koje su inicijatorice istih, rad pokazuje da starije, veće te politički i ekonomski moćnije države članice Europske unije koriste politike razvojne pomoći prema slabije razvijenim članicama, prema zemljama kandidatkinjama te ostalim zemljama, kako bi promovirale vlastiti interes i ostvarile ciljeve svoje vanjske politike. Konačno, pokazujući vezu između politika razvojne pomoći i širenja utjecaja i moći Francuske i Njemačke, rad stvora pretpostavke za novo objašnjenje odnosa moći u međunarodnom okruženju. ; The dissertation examines how the development aid policy, both in the context of national budgets and European Structural and Investment Funds, is being used as an instrument for achieving foreign policy objectives, and it is in this sense primarily beneficial for countriesdonators. Dissertation is focussed on two main European Union member states: the Republic of France and Federal Republic of Germany. By changing the paradigm from the one in which the least developed countries have the most benefit from development aid policy to the paradigm that, on the long-term, greatest benefits precisely have the countries that are the initiators of the same development aid, dissertation argues that older, bigger, politically and economically more powerful European Union member states use development policies assisting less developed members, candidate and other countries to promote their own interests and achieve goals of their foreign policy. In attempt to demonstrate the influence of France and Germany through development ...

Nasuprot shvaćanjima o energetskoj politici kao funkcionalno-tehničkom problemu, ili na drugoj strani, kao borbe između materijalističkih i postmaterijalističkih vrijednosnih obrazaca u industrijskom, odnosno postindustrijskom društvu, ovaj rad dokazuje sljedeće hipoteze: a) u korijenu današnjih energetskih problema leže konflikti oko raspodjele, b) vrijednosti o kojima se radi, čak i na području zaštite okoline, materijalističke su naravi, c) razlike u energetskoj politici Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i Zapadne Njemačke mogu se objasniti različitim obrascima raspodjele, a težište im je u različitim vrednotama proizašlim iz razlika između industrijskih i demografskih struktura, te geološkog bogatstva, d) energetska politika, a posebno izbor pravca fleksibilne »soft energy«, može se uspješno provoditi nastajanjem »pobjedničke koalicije« poklanjanjem dovoljno pažnje pitanjima raspodjele koja su u to uključena. Zaokrete k fleksibilnoj energetskoj politici autor veže uz pokrete za zaštitu okoline i programe novih energetskih projekata na lokalnoj razini i razini globalnog društva. Na taj način, zaključuje se, »energetski sindrom« i redistributivni konflikti ne moraju biti uzroci dublje političke i društvene dezorganizacije. ; As opposed to the notion of energy policy as a functional-technical issue, and — on the other hand — as a struggle between materialistic and post-materialistic value patterns in the industrial and post-industrial society, the article is arguing the following hypotheses: (1) distributional conflicts represent the roots of the contemporary energy problems, (2) the values involved, even in the field of environmental protection, are of a materialistic nature, (3) the differences in energy policies of the United States and Western Germany can be explained by different distributional patterns, having as their core divergent values stemming from differences between industrial and demographic structures and geological resources, (4) the energy policy, especially the choice of the path of flexible »soft-energy «, can be successfully implemented by the emergence of a »winning coalition« which takes sufficient account of the distributional issues involved. Switches toward flexible energy policies are, according to the author, tied to activities of movements for environmental protection and to programs of new energy projects on the local level and on the global societal level. In such a manner, it is concluded, the »energy syndrome« and redistributional conflicts are not necessarily causes of a profound political and societal disorganization.

Povećanje nezaposlenosti, loš životni standard i opća besperspektivnost, ali i politički razlozi bili su glavni potisni čimbenik iseljavanja iz Jugoslavije tijekom 60-ih i 70-ih godina prošloga stoljeća. U fokusu ovoga rada je iseljavanje građana iz Hercegovine kao regije s najvećom stopom iseljavanja u vrijeme komunističke Jugoslavije. Zbog velike potrebe za radnom snagom i zbog postojanja razgranatih migrantskih mreža (rodbinskih i inih veza), najveći dio iseljenika odlučio se za Saveznu Republiku Njemačku. Prilikom dolaska u SR Njemačku iseljenici se susreću s mnogobrojnim nedaćama i problemima koje ćemo razmotriti u ovome radu. Rad se temelji na metodi pripovjedne povijesti i pripovijesti šestero kazivača. Cilj je predočiti etnološku i kulturno-antropološku sliku života tadašnjih iseljenika, koji se u ovome radu izjednačuju s terminom "gastarbajteri". Jedan od ciljeva rada jest otkriti uzročno-posljedične veze i motive iseljavanja iz komunističke Jugoslavije u SR Njemačku u razdoblju od 1960. do 1973. te prikazati svakodnevicu iseljenika u Njemačkoj. Zaključak rada jest da su razgranate hrvatske migrantske mreže jedan od glavnih poticajnih čimbenika iseljavanja u Njemačku. ; Rising unemployment, poor living standards, and general lack of prospects, but also political reasons were the main drivers of emigration from Yugoslavia during the 1960s and 1970s. The focus of this paper is on emigration to Germany from Herzegovina as the region with the highest emigration rate during the communist Yugoslav political framework. Due to the huge need for the workers and due to the developed migrant networks (family-based or other) the majority of the emigrants decided to go to the Federal Republic of Germany. After their arrival the emigrants are faced with numerous problems, that this paper discusses. The paper is based on the method of oral history and the narrative of six narrators with the aim of acquiring an ethnological and cultural-anthropological picture of the life of the then emigrants, who are in this paper equivalent to the term "Gastarbeiters". One of the aims of the paper is to unveil causes, consequences and motivation for the emigration from the communist Yugoslavia to the Federal Republic of Germany in the period 1960 till 1973 as well as to depict everyday life of the emigrants in Germany. The conclusion of the paper is that the branched Croatian migrant networks were one of the main incentives for the emigration of Croats to Germany.

Problem solving in Germany has roots in mathematics and psychology but it found its way to schools and classrooms, especially through German Kultusministerkonferenz, which represents all government departments of education. For the problem solving standard to get implemented in schools, a large scale dissemination through continuous professional development is very much needed, as the current mathematics teachers are not qualified to do so. As a consequence, one organ in Germany focuses on setting up courses for teacher educators who can "multiply" what they have learned and set up their own professional development courses for teachers. However, before attaining to this work, it is crucial to have an understanding what conceptions about teaching problem solving in mathematics classroom mathematics teacher educators hold. In this research report, I focus on mathematics teacher educators' conceptions about problem solving standard and their effects regarding a large-scale dissemination. ; Problem solving in Germany has roots in mathematics and psychology but it found its way to schools and classrooms, especially through German Kultusministerkonferenz, which represents all government departments of education. For the problem solving standard to get implemented in schools, a large scale dissemination through continuous professional development is very much needed, as the current mathematics teachers are not qualified to do so. As a consequence, one organ in Germany focuses on setting up courses for teacher educators who can "multiply" what they have learned and set up their own professional development courses for teachers. However, before attaining to this work, it is crucial to have an understanding what conceptions about teaching problem solving in mathematics classroom mathematics teacher educators hold. In this research report, I focus on mathematics teacher educators' conceptions about problem solving standard and their effects regarding a large-scale dissemination.

Autori u ovom radu donose informacije o organiziranim prisilnim iseljavanjima Slovenaca s područja Štajerske i Dolenjske, na područje NDH, Njemačke i Srbije, na temelju sjećanja kazivača, članova sekcije izgnanaca Slovenskog doma u Zagrebu. Na temelju objavljene literature i polustrukturiranih dubinskih intervjua, autori donose podatke o prisilnom iseljavanju, odvođenju u logore i životu u progonstvu te povratku kućama. ; Based on the testimonies of individuals from the Zagreb Section of the Society of Slovenian Exiles, the authors record various data on the forced exile from Slovenia in 1941. Following the short military conflict in April 1941, Slovenia was divided between Hungary, Germany and Italy. The Germans had a plan wherein they would forcibly deport the local Slovenian population from Styria (and in part Lower Carniola), then resettle migrants of German nationality (primarily from Gottschee) into their homes. The storytellers, most of whom were at the time children, recount their preparations for this forced exile, leaving their homes, and being brought to the labour camp Brestanica/Rajhenburg (ger. Reichenburg) and to Maribor, after which they were deported to Germany, the Independent State of Croatia or Serbia. Life in camps in Germany was very hard for most storytellers, and only few of them were lucky enough to be placed in German homes as help. In German camps, the Slovenians underwent heavy Germanisation, which is recounted by most of the witnesses, who were children at the time. After being forcibly moved to the Independent State of Croatia and its camp in Slavonska Požega, the Slovenians were then reallocated to the estates of Serbs who were previously forcibly deported to Serbia. Research shows that the position of the izgnanci in Croatia was worse than that of the izgnanci in Germany, as they were, for the most part, left to their own devices in Croatia. After the end of the war, most of the exiled Slovenians returned to their original homes. Upon return, they largely found ruined and abandoned houses, and were forced to start their lives over with nothing. Today, there are almost no living izgnanci who were older than 15 at the time of the exile and deportation. Therefore, the statements given by the witnesses in 2019 and 2020 were mostly given by persons who were no older than 8 at the moment of the exile. Collecting their memories is a challenge and it is high time to record their statements about these events from those witnesses who are still alive.

In recent German history, several events unfolded on 9 November with far-reaching consequences. Some of them, like the fall of the Berlin Wall, symbolize the end of the Cold War and of Germany divided. In addition to political implications, the fall of the Berlin Wall, or the events that preceded and followed it, also caused dilemmas on whether it was a (peaceful) revolution, (just) a turning point, or a refolution – pressure from below and reforms from above. The paper analyses events prior to and following the fall of the Berlin Wall, as well as the terms used for them in basic programs of the parties represented in the 19th electoral term of the Bundestag and the curricula of different school subjects in German states. It is concluded these parties use different terms for the events of 1989/90 on the territory of the former GDR, in accordance with their ideological positions, and that the events are inconsistently described in the curricula. The character of events was a revolutionary one, as they thoroughly changed the social and political relations in the GDR in a very short time. Despite this, the phrase "peaceful revolution" is still not present in the German language as a widespread, general term, but the rather vague "turning point" or "reversal" is more common. ; Devetoga studenog u novijoj njemačkoj povijesti odigrali su se događaji koji su imali dalekosežne posljedice za Njemačku, a neki od njih, poput pada Berlinskoga zida, simbol su završetka hladnog rata i podjele Njemačke. Osim političkih implikacija, pad Berlinskoga zida, odnosno događaji koji su mu prethodili i uslijedili, uzrokovali su i nedoumice radi li se o (miroljubivoj) revoluciji, (samo) o preokretu ili pak o refoluciji – pritisku odozdo i reformama odozgo? U radu se analiziraju događaji uoči i nakon pada Berlinskoga zida, njihovi nazivi u temeljnim programima stranaka zastupljenih u 19. sazivu Bundestaga te u kurikulima nastavnih predmeta u njemačkim pokrajinama. Zaključuje se da stranke različito nazivaju zbivanja 1989./90. godine na području bivšeg DDR-a, i to s obzirom na svoje ideološke pozicije te da se ta zbivanja vrlo neujednačeno opisuju i u kurikulima nastavnih predmeta. Ti su događaji imali revolucionarni karakter, budući da su u vrlo kratkom roku potpuno promijenjeni društveni i politički odnosi na području DDR-a, ali usprkos tome sintagma miroljubiva revolucija ipak nije ušla u raširenu opću jezičnu uporabu u njemačkom jeziku, već se uvriježio sadržajno neodređeniji pojam preokreta, tj. obrata.

The Chinese Belt and Road Initiative will open new trade routes between China and the European Union (EU) and increase competition pressures on smaller EU member states. This article ranks where states like Estonia stand internationally in terms of innovativeness (and consequent competitiveness) by conducting an econometric study of patent development, education policy and research and development (R&D) expenditure policy. The authors claim that small member states such as Estonia should follow the example of countries such as Germany and adopt policies which focus more on increased public spending on R&D and innovation in public universities of science and technology, and raise support for high tech startups with a strong focus on international patenting. Member States must go further and subsidise R&D activities by focusing, inter alia, on filing of foreign patents such as triadic patents. ; The Chinese Belt and Road Initiative will open new trade routes between China and the European Union (EU) and increase competition pressures on smaller EU member states. This article ranks where states like Estonia stand internationally in terms of innovativeness (and consequent competitiveness) by conducting an econometric study of patent development, education policy and research and development (R&D) expenditure policy. The authors claim that small member states such as Estonia should follow the example of countries such as Germany and adopt policies which focus more on increased public spending on R&D and innovation in public universities of science and technology, and raise support for high tech startups with a strong focus on international patenting. Member States must go further and subsidise R&D activities by focusing, inter alia, on filing of foreign patents such as triadic patents.

Ovaj rad bavi se istraživanjem industrijske politike Europske Unije. U radu se iznosi teorijski aspekt industrijske politike, odnosno, različite definicije industrijske politike raznih autora, alati i instrumenti, kao argumenti za i protiv industrijske politike. Zatim se opisuju razvojne faze industrijske politike Europske Unije, a detaljnije se obrađuje industrijska politika Europske Unije od vremena Lisabonske agende. Daje se pregled industrijske performanse Europske Unije i nekih zemalja članica i usporedba s Japanom i Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama. Detaljno se opisuje industrijska politika u okviru strategije Europa 2020, prioriteti, inicijative, komunikacije, kao i trenutni izazovi vezani uz modernizaciju industrije. Također, iznose se programi, instrumenti i politike koje izravno i neizravno doprinose industrijskoj politici Europske Unije. Nadalje, prikazuje se način vođenja moderne industrijske politike Savezne Republike Njemačke. Cilj istraživanja jest sintetizirati znanje o industrijskoj politici Europske Unije i prikazati trenutne inicijative i programe industrijske politike na razini Europske Unije i Savezne Republike Njemačke koji doprinose gospodarskom rastu i razvoju. Svrha istraživanja jest u konačnici ukazati na značaj i ulogu industrijske politike Europske Unije u promicanju konkurentnosti industrije i samog gospodarstva. ; This paper deals with the research of the European Union's industrial policy. The paper presents the theoretical aspects of industrial policy, different definitions of industrial policy from various authors, tools and instruments, as arguments for and against industrial policy. Then, the development phases of the European Union's industrial policy are described and the European Union industrial policy since the Lisbon Agenda is more elaborated. An overview of the European Union's performance and some of member states is given, and a comparison with Japan and the United States of America. A detailed description of industrial policy within the Europe 2020 strategy is given, as well as priorities, initiatives, communications and current challenges related to industrial modernization. Also, there are programs, instruments and policies that directly and indirectly contribute to the European Union's industrial policy. Furthermore, the modern industrial policy of the Federal Republic of Germany is presented. The aim of research is to synthesize knowledge of the European Union's industrial policy and present current initiatives and industrial policy programs at EU and Federal Republic of Germany level that contribute to economic growth and development. The purpose of the research is to point out the importance and role of the European Union's industrial policy in promoting competitiveness of the industry and the economy of European Union.

Članak analizira proces suočavanja s prošlošću pokušavajaći odgovoriti na tri pitanja – što znači suočavanje s prošlošću, kako to učiniti i zašto. Nakon objašnjenja samog pojma, kao primjer zemlje koja je provela sveobuhvatan i uspješan proces suočavanja s prošlošću analizira se Njemačka. Pokušavajući odgovoriti na pitanje zašto se suočavamo s prošlošću, autorica intervjuira Vesnu Teršelič, voditeljicu Documente – Centra za suočavanje s prošlošću, Vesnu Alaburić, odvjetnicu, i Teresu Forcades, benediktinku koja se suočavanjem s prošlošću bavi u svojoj zemlji, Španjolskoj, koja se krajem sedamdesetih godina prošlog stoljeća odlučila za politiku zaborava. Iskustvo Njemačke i Španjolske pokazuje da je suočavanje s prošlošću neizostavan dio ozdravljenja svake države nakon sukoba, ali i to da je riječ o procesu koji se ne može ukalupiti, već da je za svaku zemlju potreban jedinstveni tailor-made koncept. Uspješnost procesa ovisi o tome dolazi li potreba za njim iznutra (od samog naroda), o tome koliko su instrumenti tranzicijske pravde prožeti kulturom naroda te o podršci nacionalnih političkih elita, crkve, medija, znanstvenog kruga i civilnog društva. ; The article analyses the process of dealing with the past by trying to answer three questions: what it means to deal with the past, how and why to do it. After the explanation of the term itself, there follows the analysis of the process of dealing with the past in Germany as an example of a country that faced the past most thoroughly and successfully. In order to answer the question why to deal with the past, the author interviewed Vesna Teršelič, the director of Documenta – Centre for dealing with the past, the lawyer Vesna Alaburić and Teresa Forcades, a Benedictine nun actively involved with dealing with the past in her own country, Spain, which at the end of the seventies chose not to deal with Franco's era. The experiences of Germany and Spain show that dealing with the past is an integral part of a country's healing process after conflict. However, the article also shows that dealing with the past is a process that cannot be applied to all countries in the same way but that for each country a specific, tailor made approach is required. The success of the process depends on whether the need to deal with the past comes from the inside (the people themselves), whether the instruments of transitional justice integrate the country's culture, and whether the whole process is supported by the political elite, the church, the media, the scientific circles and the civil society.

Većina europskih zemalja prije samog početka Drugoga svjetskog rata nije započela s nasilnijim pokušajima asimilacije, kakav je već bio u tijeku u nacističkoj Njemačkoj. Izbijanjem Drugoga svjetskog rata i širenjem nacističkog utjecaja na mnoge europske zemlje, bilo izravno kao okupirane, ili posredno kao države – saveznice, započeli su se provoditi neki dijelovi nacističkog anticiganističkog modela odnosa prema Romima. Analizom u ovom radu biti će obuhvaćen odnos srednjoeuropskih vlasti, poput mađarskih, hrvatskih, čehoslovačkih i poljskih, prema romskom manjinskom stanovništvu za vrijeme Drugog svjetskog rata. Poseban dio analize će se usredotočiti na pitanje da li su i u kojoj mjeri nacističke vlasti utjecale na odnos navedenih državnih vlasti prema Romima. ; Up to the World War II in most European countries there were no violent assimilation attempts like those that had already been in progress in Nazi Germany. With the beginning of World War II and the spreading of Nazi influence on many European countries, either directly because of occupation, or indirectly as ally countries, some parts of Nazi anti-Roma model started to be implemented. The analysis of this paper deals with Central European governments such as Hungarian, Croatian, Czechoslovak and Polish and their attitude to minority Roma population during World War II. A separate part of analysis focuses on the question whether and to which extent Nazi government had an impact on the attitude of the abovementioned governments to the Roma.

Autor iznosi ključne postupke diplomacije Nezavisne Države Hrvatske: od ustrojstva ministarstva vanjskih poslova u travnju 1941. do zadnjih pokušaja spašavanja NDH u svibnju 1945. U članku su prezentirani svi relevantni događaji za diplomaciju NDH s naglaskom na najvažnije aktere u pojedinim diplomatskim akcijama. Navedeni su svi ministri vanjskih poslova koji su bili na čelu ministarstva, njihove diplomatske aktivnosti te razlozi njihove smjene ili ostavke. Članak također daje uvid u krajnju zavisnost ustaškog režima prema fašističkim saveznicama, Njemačkoj i Italiji – obrađujući odnos sa svakom od njih posebno. Učestalo mijenjanje ministara vanjskih poslova i poslanika u najvažnijim državama za NDH izraz je visoke nestabilnosti i podčinjenosti ustaškog režima okupacijskim silama. ; The author presents the key moments of the diplomacy of the Independent State of Croatia: from the organization of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in April 1941 to the last attempts to save the Independent State of Croatia in May 1945. The article presents all relevant events for the diplomacy of the Independent State of Croatia with a focus on the most important participant in certain diplomatic actions. The paper lists all foreign ministers who headed the ministry, their diplomatic activities and the reasons for their dismissal or resignation. The article also provides an insight into the utmost dependence of the Ustasha regime on fascist allies, Germany and Italy. processing the relationship with each of them separately. The frequent change of foreign ministers and ambassadors in the most important states for the NDH is an expression of high instability and subordination of the Ustasha regime to the occupying forces.

Predmet teksta estetički su aspekti desnih totalitarnih ideologija, preciznije funkcija koju u njihovu nastanku i održavanju ima kič kao pseudoumjetnost. Budući da je sklonost k njemu, kako su teoretičari odavno utvrdili, obilježje jedne kompleksne strukture ljudskog doživljavanja i stajališta prema svijetu, autorica istražuje i načine na koji se ona eksploatirala, odnosno kako se njome manipuliralo i u drugim, strogo uzevši neestetskim sferama života u Njemačkoj i Italiji tridesetih godina proteklog vijeka. Politička simbolika, jezik politike, ponuđeni obrasci političke identifikacije i mobilizacije k projektiranom političkom cilju u centralnom dijelu rada predmet su njezine analize koju provodi iz tog istraživačkog rakursa. Savezništvo između kiča i totalitarnih političkih režima nije slučajno, nego, naprotiv, zasnovano na zajedničkim i čvrstim antropološkim osnovama. ; This text deals with aesthetic aspects of right totalitarian ideologies, or more precisely, the function that kitsch as pseudoart has in their origin and maintenance. As affinity towards kitsch, which was established by art theoreticians a long time ago, is a characteristic of a complex structure of human experience and view of the world, the author also explores the ways in which it was exploited or manipulated in other, strictly speaking non-aesthetic spheres of life in Germany and Italy of the 1930s. Political symbolism, language of politics, offered forms of political identification and mobilization towards the projected political goal are the subject of her analysis in the central part of the text, which analysis is derived from that angle of research. The author concludes that the alliance between kitsch and totalitarian political regimes is not accidental, but that it is, on the contrary, founded on common and firm anthropological bases.