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Mobilization strategies are an essential part of political parties' campaign communication. By mobilizing voters and supporters, parties promote civic participation in politics, the forms of which have multiplied given the possibilities of user activities on social media. To define their online mobilization strategies, parties have to choose which forms of participation (e.g., voting, donating, or liking or sharing a post) they will seek to mobilize. Understanding mobilization as a communicative appeal to engage audiences in participatory actions, in our study we conceptually linked parties' mobilizing appeals with three campaign functions - information, interaction, and mobilization - to systematize different types of mobilization. We applied that categorization to the social media campaigns of parties and top candidates in Germany and conducted a manual quantitative content analysis of 1,495 Facebook and 1,088 Instagram posts published in the run-up to the 2021 federal election. Results show that parties primarily mobilized their audiences to vote and seek out more information (e.g., on the party's website). Although user reactions are generally an important factor of performance on social media, parties mostly avoided calls to like, share, or comment on posts. When compared, the strategies of parties and candidates indicate that mobilization is more the task of parties than of candidates. Differences between Facebook and Instagram can be attributed to the different technical affordances of the platforms. Because Facebook, unlike Instagram, supports clickable links in posts, parties are more likely to encourage users on Facebook to seek out more information online.

In the past 40 years, alternative cultural institutions have been established in many Western welfare states to respond locally to the social and urban crises that have arisen in the post-war era. Community centres and workshops for local history and youth offer new opportunities for cultural and social participation and complement the offerings at more traditional cultural infrastructures such as art museums, theatres, and opera houses. Initially borne of grassroots movements that struggled for political recognition and necessary resources in protracted disputes with municipal authorities, these facilities now play important roles in the cultural landscape of many cities. In response to calls for a "democratisation of culture" and social development programmes targeting urban geographical inequalities, these institutions provide accessible and persistent spaces for socialisation, cultural empowerment, and negotiating community concerns. These facilities are often located on brownfields and are material manifestations of socioeconomic change and urban regeneration. Using the relocation of an established socio-cultural centre to a new neighbourhood in the city of Heidelberg, Germany, as an example, we seek to understand the evolving ways political and social relations are formed, negotiated, and challenged through cultural infrastructures. By analysing newspaper coverage, policy documents, and interviews with stakeholders from urban planning, city administration, community work, and resident populations, we map and evaluate shifting planning discourses and forms of embeddedness in the processes of de- and re-localisation. We end by reflecting on more open and nuanced understandings of cultural infrastructures that could generate multiple and diverse outcomes interacting and possibly outbalancing each other.

Studies of political polarization in social media demonstrate mixed evidence for whether discussions necessarily evolve into left and right ideological echo chambers. Recent research shows that, for political and issue-based discussions, patterns of user clusterization may differ significantly, but that cross-cultural evidence of the polarization of users on certain issues is close to non-existent. Furthermore, most of the studies developed network proxies to detect users' grouping, rarely taking into account the content of the Tweets themselves. Our contribution to this scholarly discussion is founded upon the detection of polarization based on attitudes towards political actors expressed by users in Germany, the USA and Russia within discussions on inter-ethnic conflicts. For this exploratory study, we develop a mixed-method approach to detecting user grouping that includes: crawling for data collection; expert coding of Tweets; user clusterization based on user attitudes; construction of word frequency vocabularies; and graph visualization. Our results show that, in all the three cases, the groups detected are far from being conventionally left or right, but rather that their views combine anti-institutionalism, nationalism, and pro- and anti-minority views in varying degrees. In addition to this, more than two threads of political debate may co-exist in the same discussion. Thus, we show that the debate that sees Twitter as either a platform of 'echo chambering' or 'opinion crossroads' may be misleading. In our opinion, the role of local political context in shaping (and explaining) user clusterization should not be under-estimated.

In 2009, Germany ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UN-CRPD) and committed itself to allow for "the full and effective participation [of people with disabilities] in society" (United Nations, 2006, §3), especially in education (United Nations, 2016, §24). The present article addresses the necessary follow-up question: which patterns of perception university teachers have of students with disabilities? A first project-based qualitative analysis of data from the EU-project "European Action on Disability within Higher Education" has been conducted on the grounds that disability can be described as a constructed sociocultural phenomenon (Tremain, 2005), showing that heterogenous concepts of disability can be reconstructed from the interviews (Aust, Trommler, & Drinck, 2015). In an adaptation of theoretical sampling according to Grounded Theory (Glaser & Strauss, 2010), interviews with teachers were selected for this article. The Explanatory Legitimacy Theory Model by DePoy and Gilson (2004, 2010) served as a pool of ideas for analysis. The four main areas of, 1) effective power of symbols or iconic figures, 2) performativity of attributions of disability, 3) dimension of time for concepts addressed, and 4) perpetuation of the medicine model can be reconstructed. The analysis indicates that the medicine model remains the dominant reference when teachers in higher education speak about disability. In conclusion, conditions that impede the proper implementation of the UN-CRPD in higher education must be identified so that higher education institutions can be further developed as multicultural organisations (Schein, 1984).

In den späten achtziger Jahren wurde das Thema Ganztagsbeschulung in nationaler und supranationaler europäischer Sicht diskutiert; dies trifft auch für diejenigen Länder zu, in denen der ganztägige Schulbesuch schon seit Jahrzehnten die Regel ist. Die folgenden Probleme müssen sowohl von Ländern mit Halb- als auch Ganztagsschulen gelöst werden: Infolge von Veränderungen im Familienleben und in den Familienstrukturen muss die Schule einen größeren Teil des Tages für die Betreuung von Kindern und Jugendlichen aufwenden. Die Länge und die Struktur des Schultags verändern sich als Ergebnis von Reformbemühungen, die darauf abzielen, Unterricht und Erziehung in der Schule, was die Ökonomie und/oder die pädagogischen Maßnahmen betrifft, effektiver zu gestalten. Die Lösungen in den untersuchten Ländern (Bundesrepublik Deutschland, England und Wales, Frankreich, Italien, Spanien, Dänemark und den Niederlanden) sind unterschiedlich, doch gibt es einige allgemeine Tendenzen, wie etwa: größere Flexibilität für die einzelne Familie oder die einzelnen Schulen, größere Partizipation auf der einzelschulischen Ebene, steigende Unkostenbeiträge für die Eltern. (DIPF/Orig.) ; In the late eighties, the issue of all-day schooling was discussed in national and supranational European perspective; this applies also to countries where all-day schooling has been the general form of schooling for decades. The following problems must be solved both by half-and all-day school countries: as family life and structures are changing, it becomes necessary that the schools allocate additional time of the day on the care of children and adolescents. Length and structure of the school day are changing as a result of reforms endeavouring to make instruction and education at school more effective in terms of economy and/or pedagogy. Solutions in the countries under investigation (Germany, England and Wales, France, Italy, Spain, Denmark and the Netherlands) differ, but there are several common trends, such as: more flexibility for the individual family or student, more participation at the individual-school level, rising school fees for parents. (DIPF/Orig.)

Objective of project MOTION´s is to help SMEs and students generate solutions and new sustainable tourism services with Futures and Design Thinking. Project MOTION will arrange an opportunity for students from different countries to join and develop tourism services with real business companies in MOTION – Online Sprint. MOTION- Online Sprint will take place Monday 23rd November- Friday 27th November 2020 (final products need to be delivered on Saturday 28th November). Sprint will last only for 5 days, which means that those days will be long and intensive, and participants need to commit to that week entirely. As a result, participants will learn Design thinking in a multicultural and multidisciplinary team, create new tourism service solutions for real businesses and in addition earn 5 ECTS. Each team will have a problem to solve (=improving an existing or creating new tourism services) during the week, and they will be introduced with different methods to be applied, in order to come up with a final idea or solution. The Sprint- study week is intensive and requires hardworking team spirit. This means that students will be working more than usual to achieve the goals and earn the credits during one week. At the same time, it is great possibility to get inspired, learn more about Design thinking and Futures thinking, get to know new colleagues, and have fun while designing new service ideas. Partners in project MOTION are: Laurea UAS (Finland), Kiel UAS (Germany), Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń (Poland), University of Granada (Spain), Klaipėda University (Lithuania) and municipality of Monachil (Spain) Associate partners. No of EU project (Strategic Partnership) . 2020-1-FI01-KA203-066543

The aim of this text is to present the existing economic institutions in the European Union, developing some of the major issues surrounding the origins and evolution of European economic policy during this millennium, taking as initial reference the financial crisis the European Community. Also, it will describe the role played by Germany over the crisis in the euro zone presenting some proposals for the resolution of problems arising from 2008. Finally, will be reviewed some criticism to the system of European integration and their macroeconomic outline. ; En el presente artículo es realizada una descripción de las instituciones económicas de la Unión Europea, desarrollando algunos de los supuestos en torno a los orígenes y devenir de la política económica en este organismo; tomando como referente inicial la crisis financiera en la Europa comunitaria durante el presente siglo. Asimismo, se aborda el rol desempeñado por Alemania a lo largo de la recesión en la zona euro, dando a conocer algunas propuestas para la resolución de los problemas suscitados desde 2008. Finalmente, son revisadas algunas críticas al sistema de integración europeo y a su esbozo macroeconómico. ; Neste artigo é feita uma descrição das instituições econômicas da União Europeia, desenvolvendo algumas das premissas em torno das origens e tornando-se política econômica neste órgão; tendo como referência inicial a crise financeira na Europa Comunitária durante este século. Também aborda o papel desempenhado pela Alemanha durante toda a recessão na zona do euro, tornando conhecidas algumas propostas para resolver os problemas que surgiram desde 2008. Finalmente, algumas críticas ao sistema de integração europeu e ao seu contorno macroeconômico são revisadas.

Die Festung Thorn war 1914 eine der wichtigsten Garnisonen im Bezirk des 17. Armeekorps. So ist es nicht verwunderlich, dass bei der Mobilisierung 1914 bedeutende Kräfte von ihr ins Feld rückten. An ihre Stelle traten Einheiten der Landwehr, die die Kriegsgarnison bilden sollten. Doch wenig später marschierten auch sie an die Front. Im Frühjahr 1915 wurden in Thorn zwei Infanteriedivisionen zusammengestellt, während die Infrastruktur der Festung auch zur Schulung von Luftbeobachtern und Artilleristen genutzt wurde. Nach der Niederlage Deutschlands im 1. Weltkrieg kehrte nur ein Teil der Einheiten in ihre Heimatgarnison zurück, doch auch dies reichte aus, um jeglichen bewaffneten Versuch einer Besetzung der Stadt durch die Polen zu verhindern. ; In 1914, the Toruń Fortress was one of the most important garrisons in the district of the 17th Army Corps. Not surprisingly, in 1914, as a result of the call-up, considerable forces set out from it. Landwehr units were brought instead, which were to be the military forces' war garrison. However, they also soon went to the front. In the spring of 1915, two infantry divisions were set up in Toruń, and the fortress infrastructure was also used to train air observers and artillerymen. After Germany had been defeated in World War I, only some of the troops returned to their parent garrison, but it was enough to prevent any armed attempt to capture the city by Poles. ; Twierdza Toruń była w 1914 r. jednym z ważniejszych garnizonów na terenie okręgu XVII Korpusu Armijnego. Nic zatem dziwnego, że w 1914 r. w wyniku mobilizacji wyruszyły z niej znaczne siły. W ich miejsce sprowadzono jednostki Landwehry, które miały stanowić jej wojenny garnizon. Jednakże wkrótce również i one wyruszyły na front. Wiosną 1915 r. w Toruniu zestawiono dwie dywizje piechoty, a infrastrukturę twierdzy wykorzystywano również do szkolenia obserwatorów lotniczych i artylerzystów. Po klęsce Niemiec w I wojnie światowej tylko część oddziałów wróciła do macierzystego garnizonu, jednakże i tak było to wystarczająco, żeby zapobiec jakiejkolwiek zbrojnej próbie opanowania miasta przez Polaków.

Twierdza Toruń była w 1914 r. jednym z ważniejszych garnizonów na terenie okręgu XVII Korpusu Armijnego. Nic zatem dziwnego, że w 1914 r. w wyniku mobilizacji wyruszyły z niej znaczne siły. W ich miejsce sprowadzono jednostki Landwehry, które miały stanowić jej wojenny garnizon. Jednakże wkrótce również i one wyruszyły na front. Wiosną 1915 r. w Toruniu zestawiono dwie dywizje piechoty, a infrastrukturę twierdzy wykorzystywano również do szkolenia obserwatorów lotniczych i artylerzystów. Po klęsce Niemiec w I wojnie światowej tylko część oddziałów wróciła do macierzystego garnizonu, jednakże i tak było to wystarczająco, żeby zapobiec jakiejkolwiek zbrojnej próbie opanowania miasta przez Polaków. ; Die Festung Thorn war 1914 eine der wichtigsten Garnisonen im Bezirk des 17. Armeekorps. So ist es nicht verwunderlich, dass bei der Mobilisierung 1914 bedeutende Kräfte von ihr ins Feld rückten. An ihre Stelle traten Einheiten der Landwehr, die die Kriegsgarnison bilden sollten. Doch wenig später marschierten auch sie an die Front. Im Frühjahr 1915 wurden in Thorn zwei Infanteriedivisionen zusammengestellt, während die Infrastruktur der Festung auch zur Schulung von Luftbeobachtern und Artilleristen genutzt wurde. Nach der Niederlage Deutschlands im 1. Weltkrieg kehrte nur ein Teil der Einheiten in ihre Heimatgarnison zurück, doch auch dies reichte aus, um jeglichen bewaffneten Versuch einer Besetzung der Stadt durch die Polen zu verhindern. ; In 1914, the Toruń Fortress was one of the most important garrisons in the district of the 17th Army Corps. Not surprisingly, in 1914, as a result of the call-up, considerable forces set out from it. Landwehr units were brought instead, which were to be the military forces' war garrison. However, they also soon went to the front. In the spring of 1915, two infantry divisions were set up in Toruń, and the fortress infrastructure was also used to train air observers and artillerymen. After Germany had been defeated in World War I, only some of the troops returned to their parent garrison, but it was enough to prevent any armed attempt to capture the city by Poles.

International audience ; Restless legs syndrome (RLS) is one of the most common neurological disorders. It describes an irresistible urge to move the legs, mostly manifested in the evening and at night, which can lead to severe sleep disturbance. As part of the European Brain Council (EBC)-led Value-of-Treatment project, this study aimed at capturing the socioeconomic impact of RLS related to the inadequate diagnosis and treatment across different European healthcare settings. The economic burden of RLS was estimated using the published EBC framework of analysis in three separate European Union healthcare systems (France, Germany, and Italy). The RLS care pathway was mapped to identify the unmet needs of patients. Based on specific patient stories, the economic impact of correctly diagnosing RLS and changing between inadequate and target treatment was calculated using appropriate scenario analysis. RLS proved to be a significant personal and social burden, when epidemiological data, high prevalence of RLS, and its need for treatment are combined. By looking at the savings emerging from the provision of optimal care management (timely and correct diagnosis, evidence-based therapy, avoidance of therapy-related complications such as augmentation), the authors foresee substantial economic savings with the achievement of adequate diagnosis and treatment of RLS. Education about RLS is urgently needed for all subspecialties involved in RLS patient care as well as the general public. Equally important, the search for new causal treatment strategies should be intensified to reduce suffering and substantial societal cost.

International audience ; Restless legs syndrome (RLS) is one of the most common neurological disorders. It describes an irresistible urge to move the legs, mostly manifested in the evening and at night, which can lead to severe sleep disturbance. As part of the European Brain Council (EBC)-led Value-of-Treatment project, this study aimed at capturing the socioeconomic impact of RLS related to the inadequate diagnosis and treatment across different European healthcare settings. The economic burden of RLS was estimated using the published EBC framework of analysis in three separate European Union healthcare systems (France, Germany, and Italy). The RLS care pathway was mapped to identify the unmet needs of patients. Based on specific patient stories, the economic impact of correctly diagnosing RLS and changing between inadequate and target treatment was calculated using appropriate scenario analysis. RLS proved to be a significant personal and social burden, when epidemiological data, high prevalence of RLS, and its need for treatment are combined. By looking at the savings emerging from the provision of optimal care management (timely and correct diagnosis, evidence-based therapy, avoidance of therapy-related complications such as augmentation), the authors foresee substantial economic savings with the achievement of adequate diagnosis and treatment of RLS. Education about RLS is urgently needed for all subspecialties involved in RLS patient care as well as the general public. Equally important, the search for new causal treatment strategies should be intensified to reduce suffering and substantial societal cost.

International audience ; Restless legs syndrome (RLS) is one of the most common neurological disorders. It describes an irresistible urge to move the legs, mostly manifested in the evening and at night, which can lead to severe sleep disturbance. As part of the European Brain Council (EBC)-led Value-of-Treatment project, this study aimed at capturing the socioeconomic impact of RLS related to the inadequate diagnosis and treatment across different European healthcare settings. The economic burden of RLS was estimated using the published EBC framework of analysis in three separate European Union healthcare systems (France, Germany, and Italy). The RLS care pathway was mapped to identify the unmet needs of patients. Based on specific patient stories, the economic impact of correctly diagnosing RLS and changing between inadequate and target treatment was calculated using appropriate scenario analysis. RLS proved to be a significant personal and social burden, when epidemiological data, high prevalence of RLS, and its need for treatment are combined. By looking at the savings emerging from the provision of optimal care management (timely and correct diagnosis, evidence-based therapy, avoidance of therapy-related complications such as augmentation), the authors foresee substantial economic savings with the achievement of adequate diagnosis and treatment of RLS. Education about RLS is urgently needed for all subspecialties involved in RLS patient care as well as the general public. Equally important, the search for new causal treatment strategies should be intensified to reduce suffering and substantial societal cost.

This article investigates how municipal governments negotiate far-right contestations through the format of citizens' dialogues and contemplates to what extent they disrupt established assumptions about participatory urban governance. In doing so, I want to contribute to emerging scholarship on reactionary responses to migration-led societal transformations in cities via scrutinising their effects on institutional change in participatory practices. Building on participatory urban governance literature and studies on the far right in the social sciences, I argue that inviting far-right articulations into the democratic arena of participation serves to normalise authoritarian and racist positions, as the far right's demand for more direct involvement of 'the people' is expressed in reactionary terms. I will show how this applies to two prominent notions of participation in the literature, namely, agonistic and communicative approaches. This argument is developed through an explorative case study of two neighbourhood-based citizens' dialogues in Cottbus, East Germany, which the municipal government initiated in response to local far-right rallies. While a careful reading of these forums reveals productive potentials when the issue of international migration is untangled from context-specific, socio-spatial problems in the neighbourhoods, my analysis also shows how the municipality's negotiation of far-right contestations within the citizens' dialogues serves to legitimise far-right ideology. I find that to negotiate today's societal polarisation, municipal authorities need to rethink local participatory institutions by disentangling these complex dynamics and reject far-right contestations, while designing dialogues for democratic and emancipatory learning.

Background: A large body of research has compared relationship satisfaction and quality in cohabiting versus married relationships. Despite increased recognition of couples in living apart together (LAT) relationships, very little research has examined the experiences of couples in LAT relationships compared to co-residential unions. Objective: Our aim is to develop knowledge about the experiences of different union types by investigating relationship satisfaction of people in LAT, cohabiting, and marital relationships. We differentiate those with intentions to marry for cohabiters, and those with intentions to marry or live together in LAT relationships. We also examine differences by gender and country. Methods: Using data from Wave 1 of the Generations and Gender Survey in France, Germany, Australia, and Russia (n = 9,604), OLS regressions are estimated to investigate a) differences in relationship satisfaction across relationship types, and b) across countries. Results: Married people have the highest levels of relationship satisfaction. People in non-marital unions with intentions to marry or live together are significantly more satisfied than those without marriage or cohabitation intentions. Those in LAT relationships with no intentions to live together have the lowest levels of relationship satisfaction. There is evidence of cross-national variation with differences in relationship satisfaction by union type most pronounced in Australia and Russia. Gender differences are found with women reporting lower levels of relationship satisfaction than men. Conclusions: LAT relationships are qualitatively different to co-residential unions. It is important to further develop our understanding of the experiences of couples in these relationships.

Part I. Eva's Path to 28 Boulevard Poissonnière -- Childhood in Goldap (1910-26) -- Study in France and at the Walkemühle (1926-32) -- Anti-Nazi Work in Germany (1932-33) -- Early Years in Exile in Paris (1933-35) -- Part II. Otto's Path to 28 Boulevard Poissonnière -- Childhood in Munich (1900-20) -- "Education" in Italy and France (1920-35) -- Part III. Resistance and Love in Paris: 1935- -- Anti-Nazi Work in Paris -- War Begins: Internment, Sabotage and Love -- Part IV. German Invasion on May 9, 1940: Eva and Otto Forced on Separate Paths -- Eva's Internment at Vélodrome d'Hiver and Camp de Gurs -- Eva's Refuge in Castagnède, Montauban and Marseille -- Otto's Capture and Imprisonment by the Nazis -- Otto's Return to Paris and Flight to Montauban -- Eva's Escape over the Pyrénées and Unexpected Delay in Lisbon -- Eva's Voyage from Lisbon to New York -- Part V. New York 1940-41: Urgent Efforts to Rescue ISK Colleagues Including Otto -- Eva's Daunting Task of Obtaining U.S. Visas -- Help from Eleanor Roosevelt and Other Americans -- Three Crucial Meetings on December 27, -- 1940 Correspondence -- Eva's Other Activities before the End of -- Further Pleas to Help Otto and Other Refugees -- Otto's Wait for Visa in Southern France -- Otto's Escape to America -- Eva's Defense of Her Decision to Marry Otto -- Part VI. Rescue Efforts and Work for the OSS in the Face of Personal Challenges -- Priorities: Eva's Rescue and Relief Work -- "René-Eva Correspondence" -- Eva's Secret Work with the OSS -- Three Big Decisions in 1943- -- A Devastating Loss -- Part VII. Separated Again -- Otto's OSS Mission; Wartime Correspondence -- War Drags on; Reports on Nazi Atrocities; Another Personal Loss -- Questions about the Future as Allies Battle in Europe -- Part VIII. Hope Renewed -- 1945: Signs of Spring as the War in Europe Grinds to an End -- A New Life.