Suchergebnisse

A critical analysis of cosmopolitan ideals argues that the development of civilized & non-humiliating international institutions requires an emphasis on global decency. A "decent" society is defined as one whose institutions do not humiliate people. The notion of a decent society is said to be guided by political realism & a sense of urgency. Although it is more important to have a just society, it is not as urgent as achieving a decent society. Stressing the behavior of institutions rather than personal relations distinguishes a decent society from a civilized society. Depending on the prior creation of a world-state is not the way to either stop institutional humiliation or establish a decent society. Rather, there is a need for international interventions aimed at ending cruelty & the humiliation of persons & national minorities. Although decolonization promoted non-intervention in the "internal affairs" of independent sates, it is argued that international intervention carried out on a case-by-case basis to prevent cruelty & humiliation must be considered a prime political priority. J. Lindroth

Considers the possibility of a third major transformation in sociocultural evolution that will bring more sustainable future societies. The agricultural & industrial revolutions are briefly described, noting the destabilization associated with the latter paradigm. A third major revolution is said to be fomenting, & it is argued that greater knowledge of the involved dynamics ought to guide policy choices along a route where the harshest effects of sociocultural change are ameliorated. The roots of sustainability are traced to the combined impact of the global population explosion, industrial expansion, & rapid rise in raw materials demand in the 1960s-1970s, which elicited a response from science. Sustainability is best viewed as a dynamic process linked to a shift from materialist & environmentally degrading industrial to postindustrial & postmaterialist societies, & the sustainability problematique is argued to be a two-sided amalgamation of environmental, economic, social, & political paradoxes related to the waning of industrial society & the rise of a sustainable way of life. In noting the difficult character of such a process, three sets of factors working to destabilize & transform the current environmentally destructive world economy are delineated: widespread recognition of growth limits, demographic change, & emerging postindustrial technologies. In addition, problems & conflicts concomitant with any shift toward sustainable society are elaborated, eg, how to define & measure progress. Sustainable transportation is briefly looked at, focusing on the unsustainable nature of the internal combustion engine & private automobile. J. Zendejas

This kickoff contribution argues that new conceptions of global citizenship are needed today and that new digital technologies might make them viable. Blockchain technology could provide, first, every person with a unique and internationally recognized and self-sovereign legal persona that could also serve to provide individuals globally with an equal voice in international affairs. Second, blockchain technology also permits individuals or international organisations to form cloud communities in cyberspace whose aim is political decision-making and in which individuals take part in a process of governance and the creation of law.

Offers the apparent North American consensus on the analysis of international political economy, highlighting the empirical hotspots that have captured the most attention & some that require a bit more consideration. The areas of international trade, monetary relations, & foreign direct investment are scrutinized to define the research limits of international political economy in terms of empirical puzzles & a theoretical agenda. Some research strands are organized around concepts, eg, international cooperation, rather than specific areas; the need for more nuanced & measurable outcomes for these analyses is cited. The domestic politics of foreign economic policy is examined, noting that the heart of the domestic-international link lies in the reciprocal impact of domestic institutions & interests on international interaction. Attention turns to the international level of analysis targeting the strategic interactions of national states with respect to economic affairs & the role of international institutions in setting the tone of international economic relationships. The narrow range of analytical & empirical problems tackled by the extant literature is cited, & it is contended that theorizing the integration of the domestic & international levels of analysis is a key pursuit. J. Zendejas

The present article analyzes the world order in the past, present and future as well as the main factors, foundations and ideas underlying the maintaining and change of the international and global order. The first two sections investigate the evolution of the world order starting from the ancient times up to the late twentieth century. The third section analyzes the origin and decline of the world order based on the American hegemony. The authors reveal the contradictions of the current unipolar world and explain in what way globalization has become more profitable for the developing countries but not for the developed ones. The authors also explain the strengthening belief that the US leading status will in-evitably weaken. In this connection we discuss the alternatives of the American strategy and the possibility of the renaissance of the American leadership. The last section presents a factor analysis which allows stating that the world is shifting toward a new balance of power and is likely to become the world with-out a leader. The new world order will consist of a number of large blocks, coa-litions and countries acting within a framework of rules and mutual responsi-bility. However, the transition to a new world order will take certain time (about two decades). This period, which we denote as the epoch of new coali-tions, will involve a reconfiguration of the World System and bring an increas-ing turbulence and conflict intensity.

"Verschiedene Ansätze zur Energiesicherheit, wie strategische/ geopolitische Faktoren oder die regulierenden Kräfte des Marktes, sollten nicht als sich gegenseitig ausschließend betrachtet werden, sondern vielmehr als komplementäre Strategien." (Autorenreferat)

Explores the extent to which the media reports extensively on global issues that lack the drama typical of warfare through examining US & German media coverage of global warming debates at the time of the 1997 Kyoto international conference. In the US, media reports concerning global warming were typical of domestic coverage rather than that of foreign affairs. Global warming debate coverage in Germany was less domesticated, largely because of German consensus on the matter & because Germany is not a major actor. Both the German & US news emphasized the role of the US on the outcome of the global-warming debate, & German media coverage was therefore very critical of the Clinton administration. The German media engaged in domestic power indexing through directing greater attention to the governing & opposition parties than to political actors. The German press covered global warming as a threat to humankind. Both the US & Germany indexed & framed the news to fit their domestic political meanings, making the hope that international news could be a unifying force among countries premature. 6 Tables. L. A. Hoffman

The fusion of technological, geopolitical, and ideological ambitions is straining internet governance discourses, cyber norms diplomacy, technical standard-setting, and the global connectivity infrastructure. The German government has made support for global, open, and secure digital connectivity a centerpiece of its foreign policy. However, it has yet to make the shaping of a corresponding international technology agenda a strategic policy priority. To shape a global technology order that reflects Germany's interests as a high-tech industrial economy and democratic society, the government should focus on realizing synergies with EU international digital policy, strengthening coordination with like-minded partners, and engaging with the Global South on an inclusive and democratic ­global digital agenda.

"This chapter will examine a fundamental dichotomy that has developed within the academic, technical and policy communities when it comes to understanding, advancing, and communicating work on cyberspace within global affairs. This distinct tendency today has technical cyber scholarship partially blind and deaf to important political ramifications while political cyber work remains partially illiterate and mute on cyberspace's technical complexity. This dichotomy not only exists as an intellectual barrier between scholars of the hard and social sciences, it impinges on progressive cooperation between the political and technical communities. Consequently, there is a gap weakening the scope and reach of theoretical and empirical work on cyberspace in general. Indeed, this problem has the potential to become exponentially larger in the immediate future: not only are real-world professionals and scholars having trouble building bridges between obvious mutual interests, but this 'Chinese knowledge wall' separates each group respectively. Just as phreaking involves a subculture of specialists who experiment and toy with telecommunication systems, the intellectual, technical, and governmental worlds need a new generation of 'phreak-scholars' who are adept at building connections between these diverse, inter-related knowledge bases." (author's abstract)

Three years after the September 11 terrorist attacks against the US, an event that brought together many countries in sympathy for & support of the US, Canada finds itself occupying a middle space between opposing American & European attitudes regarding the US response in the form of its war on terror. Two questions are primary: What is Canada's role in the contemporary world, & what principles should guide its engagement in international affairs relating to the war on terror & other matters disrupting global peace? It is strongly argued that Canada should react proactively to the current international state of affairs. For its own sake & as the US's neighbor, it must be prepared to engage terrorists & those who support them with adequately prepared & rapidly deployable forces. The primary focus of its foreign policy should be the promotion of a stable & just global order. Finally, its policies in all relevant areas must be forged within a framework of geopolitical integrity. J. Stanton

The term "crisis" has become synonymous with describing the political, social, and economic state of many Arab countries including Lebanon. These continuous crises, including a global pandemic, have manifested in Lebanese news and current affairs through messages of hate disseminating via the media and journalists. Hate speech circulated via airwaves and the Internet has been shown to cause more harm than having hate shared in private conversations. The global pandemic, followed by the Beirut Port explosion in August 2020, has raised the level of hate speech in public, and Lebanese journalists have been used directly or indirectly as tools for propagating hate speech. This reflective account engages Lebanese journalists with the aim of producing a set of guidelines for tackling hate speech in news coverage and current affairs programs. Two workshops were conducted with Lebanese journalists in Lebanon in an attempt to understand the level of awareness of hate speech and its consequences among Lebanese journalists, assess how they understand hate speech, and determine the importance of guidelines and tools in helping journalists identify and tackle hate speech.

It is contended that global & regional integration processes have exerted great influence over Australia's political economy & society & has initiated change within the nation's federal political system. After providing an overview of Australia's extensive participation in international affairs via its current political, security, & trade alliances, an overview of Australia's federal framework is presented; two forces that have influenced the nature of Australia's constitutional system -- the execution of new treaties & the formation of the Council of Australian Governments -- are highlighted. It is subsequently demonstrated that global & regional integration have introduced new difficulties within Australia's federal system; augmented the Australian government's criticism of the United Nations' international human rights regime; & improved economic & social relations between Australia, various Asian countries, & New Zealand. In addition, the Council of Australian Governments' influence upon the nation's federal political system is also assessed. It is concluded that Australian federalism would be strengthened by the establishment of a shared governance regime within the international community but threatened by an international order characterized by dominant regional blocs. 44 References. J. W. Parker

Imperialism, sub imperialism & anti-imperialism are all settling into durable patterns & alignments in Africa, even if the continent's notoriously confusing political discourse sometimes conceals the collisions & solutions. The postures of the antiwar rhetoric expressed by Mandela & Mbeki in South Africa are best understood as "talking left, walking right." The role of sub-Saharan Africa in imperialism is related to global circuits of crisis management that were reflected in the US Naval War College's "The Pentagon's New Map" that identified dangers zones for imperialism as incubators of the next generation of global terrorists. The incorporation of Africa into global capitalism through the South African connection identifies the exploitation of role of Johannesburg businesses in mining, construction, financial services, retail & tourism sectors as the most important factors. The ideological backing for corporate oriented subimperialism is located in the South African Institute for International Affairs, although Mbeki's support for the WTO has generated suspicion as the George Bush of Africa. The function of Pretoria's anti-imperialist rhetoric is concluded to be evident as a disguising of subimperial practices during an encouraging recent rise of social movement protests against neoliberalism. The challenge for Africa's progressive force is to establish the difference between "reformist reforms" & advance a "non-reformist" agenda to strengthen democratic movements, empower the producers, & open the door to the contestation of capitalism itself. References. J. Harwell