Suchergebnisse

Społeczność międzynarodowa stoi w obliczu rozproszonego i ponadnarodowego zagrożenia epidemiologicznego, którego powaga i rozmiar wymagają obecnie niespotykanego poziomu interwencji. Na przestrzeni wieków ludzkość zmagała się z różnymi epidemia, co zawsze wiązało się z koniecznością kompleksowego działania na płaszczyźnie międzynarodowej. Zdaniem Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ epidemia spowodowana wirusem ebola, która wybuchła pod koniec 2013 r., stanowi szczególne zagrożenie dla pokoju i bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego, ponieważ zdobycze w obszarze budowania pokoju i rozwoju krajów najbardziej dotkniętych epidemią mogą zostać zaprzepaszczone. To z kolei podważa stabilność krajów najbardziej nią dotkniętych. Jeśli nie zostanie opanowana, to sytuacja taka może doprowadzić do wybuchu nowych niepokojów i napięć społecznych, pogorszenia klimatu politycznego, stygmatyzacji i wzmocnienia poczucia niepewności. Podjęta w tej sprawie przez Radę Bezpieczeństwa ONZ rezolucja ma wymiar historyczny, gdyż po raz pierwszy problem zdrowia publicznego został zaklasyfikowany jako zagrożenie dla pokoju i bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego. Stało się tak, mimo że mobilizacja międzynarodowa była spóźniona o kilka miesięcy, chociaż konieczność podjęcia działań była wówczas oczywista. ; The international community faces a fragmented and transnational epidemiological threat, the severity and extent of which currently require an unprecedented level of intervention. Over the centuries, mankind has been confronted with a variety of epidemics that have always required a comprehensive action at the international level. According to the UN Security Council, the outbreak of the Ebola virus at the end of 2013 poses a particular threat to international peace and security, as the peace-building and development achievements of the countries most affected by the epidemic are jeopardised and may end in vain or be lost altogether. This in turn undermines the stability of the countries most affected. If the disease is not brought under control, this situation might lead to a new unrest and social tensions, and worsening of the political climate, or stigmatisation and a higher sense of uncertainty in the region. The resolution adopted by the UN Security Council on this matter has a historic dimension, as it has for the first time classified a public health problem as a threat to international peace and security. This happened despite the fact that international mobilisation had been delayed by several months, despite the obvious urgent need for action.

The main objective of this article is to analyze the effects of transformation of the IMF working model, launched in 2006, accelerated since 2010, and identified as the most fundamental governance overhaul in the Fund's 65-year history and the biggest ever shift of influence in favor of emerging market and developing countries to recognize their growing role in the global economy. This article, set within the institutional framework of global governance and critical international political economy, attempts to clarify whether the IMF reform focused on modifying the size of member countries' participation in the share capital of the Fund, resulted in significant increase of voting power of emerging markets and developing states or rather was example of global economic governance dysfunctionality. ; W niniejszym artykule głównym celem będzie analiza efektów przekształceń modelu funkcjonowania MFW, zapoczątkowanych w 2006 r. w Singapurze, realizowanych w głównej mierze od 2010 roku i określanych jako najbardziej fundamentalna reorganizacja zarządzania w 65-letniej historii MFW i największe dotychczasowe przesunięcie wpływów na korzyść rynków wschodzących i państw rozwijających się. Artykuł ten, usytuowany w ramach instytucjonalnego nurtu badań nad globalnym zarządzaniem i wykorzystujący podejście badawcze, które określa się mianem krytycznej międzynarodowej ekonomii politycznej, będzie stanowił próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie czy reforma, polegająca na modyfikacji wielkości partycypacji poszczególnych państw w kapitale zakładowym Funduszu, czyli udziału w tzw. kwocie i wynikających z jej wielkości liczby głosów przypadających na państwa członkowskie, była nią w istocie, czy raczej stanowiła przykład dysfunkcjonalności global economic governance.

W niniejszym artykule głównym celem będzie analiza efektów przekształceń modelu funkcjonowania MFW, zapoczątkowanych w 2006 r. w Singapurze, realizowanych w głównej mierze od 2010 roku i określanych jako najbardziej fundamentalna reorganizacja zarządzania w 65-letniej historii MFW i największe dotychczasowe przesunięcie wpływów na korzyść rynków wschodzących i państw rozwijających się. Artykuł ten, usytuowany w ramach instytucjonalnego nurtu badań nad globalnym zarządzaniem i wykorzystujący podejście badawcze, które określa się mianem krytycznej międzynarodowej ekonomii politycznej, będzie stanowił próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie czy reforma, polegająca na modyfikacji wielkości partycypacji poszczególnych państw w kapitale zakładowym Funduszu, czyli udziału w tzw. kwocie i wynikających z jej wielkości liczby głosów przypadających na państwa członkowskie, była nią w istocie, czy raczej stanowiła przykład dysfunkcjonalności global economic governance. ; The main objective of this article is to analyze the effects of transformation of the IMF working model, launched in 2006, accelerated since 2010, and identified as the most fundamental governance overhaul in the Fund's 65-year history and the biggest ever shift of influence in favor of emerging market and developing countries to recognize their growing role in the global economy. This article, set within the institutional framework of global governance and critical international political economy, attempts to clarify whether the IMF reform focused on modifying the size of member countries' participation in the share capital of the Fund, resulted in significant increase of voting power of emerging markets and developing states or rather was example of global economic governance dysfunctionality.

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie współczesnych dylematów w kwestii zarządzania Internetem jako nowym dobrem wspólnym ludzkości i przykładem tzw. nowych dóbr wspólnych. W ślad za Lawrence'em Lessigiem omówione zostały trzy warstwy Internetu: fizyczna, logiczna i treści. W tym kontekście przedstawiono dokonania Grupy Roboczej ds. Zarządzania Internetem (WGIG) powołanej przez Sekretarza Generalnego ONZ oraz rolę Forum Zarządzania Internetem (IGF). Zaprezentowano rozbieżne preferencje państw w wyborze suwerennego, wielostronnego lub międzyrządowego modelu zarządzania Internetem. W szczególności ukazano przeciwstawne działania USA i Unii Europejskiej oraz Chin i Rosji oraz podkreślanie przez te dwa ostatnie państwa zagadnienia cyberbezpieczeństwa i cybersuwerenności, co prowadzi do ograniczenia wolności słowa w Internecie i treściowej fragmentacji sieci. Autor proponuje wydzielenie kwestii możliwych do regulacji w drodze porozumień międzyrządowych. Zarazem dochodzi do wniosku, iż mechanizmy wielostronnego zarządzania siecią mogą uzyskać legitymację, jeżeli będą bardziej rzetelne i reprezentatywne niż system międzyrządowy. ; The purpose of this article is to present contemporary dilemmas in the management of the Internet as a new common good of mankind and an example of so called "new commons". In the wake of the Lawrence Lessig's writings discussed are the three layers of the Internet: physical, logical and content. In this context, presented are the achievements of the Working Group on Internet Governance (WGIG) initiated by the UN Secretary General and the role of the Internet Governance Forum (IGF). Presented are divergent preferences of states in choosing a sovereign, multi-stakeholder or multilateral model of Internet governance. In particular, the article demonstrates conflicting actions of the US, European Union and China, Russia and issues of cybersecurity and cyber sovereignty highlighted by the latter two countries, which lead to restrictions on freedom of speech in the Internet and fragmentation of the network in its content layer. The author proposes to separate issues for feasible regulation by multilateral agreements. At the same time he concludes that the mechanisms of multilateral network management can gain legitimacy if they are more reliable and representative than the intergovernmental system.

A paper describes challenges of globalization, Europeanization and new governance towards institution of public administration body (in the fi elds of law and public management). An author mentions basic assumptions of modern public governance and main, significant elements of processes of globalization and Europeanization. It is necessary to consider the legal institution of public administration body (especially in administrative law and science of administration). The paper describes current problems of mentioned topic (such as varied kinds of development and progress – especially connected with information society). The author suggests to appreciate the complex of global values. Finally he describes the aftermentioned phenomenons not only as threats, but also as opportunities. The author recomended to use their to a better development.

Globalization undoubtedly is one of modern processes which lay foundations for most significant changes to contemporary societies. Social, economic and political phenomena, undergoing within nation-states and independently on them, have become a part of the network of global concerns and relations that the states are able to control no more than in a limited sense. In terms of localness the phenomenon is reflected in the processes of metropolization of urban agglomerations which form their own unique systems of governance. In doing so, they become distinctive laboratories of new forms of government and democracy. The increasing inadequacy of the territorial structure of the state and its institutional systems in terms of network systems and multilevel relations that form new and functional living space for contemporary man are responsible for initiating reforms in states. However, the process of those changes does not go automatically, and it most often stands for a confrontation of the global system imperatives with values, norms and institutions deeply rooted in social structure and shaped in the Westphalian era. Therefore, the search for wise answers to global challenges abounds in diverse results, an example of which may be seen in hybrid territorial units in France which are concomitant with the specific forms of governance that are formed within. Despite the fact that the book deals with French status quo in the main, it touches upon universal issues which concern challenges that modern democratic nation-states have to meet. The book addresses all researchers of contemporary times, who make an attempt to come to deeper understanding of the changes that a modern state and democracy have to face in times when the global system is being shaped. Unique is the fact that this book transcends theoretical digressions being at the same time embedded in the context of a particular society. The conclusions are based on an extensive empirical sources that the author of this book collected while conducting his research in France, where he had the honor of running discussions with French eminent scholars, politicians and people engaged in self-government. According to the reviewer of the book, professor Kazimierz Z. Sowa: "The collected research material presents itself as very interesting and valuable one; additionally its research method makes it a sui generis source of information. [.] The results provide us with a solid amount of knowledge about modern France whose problems go beyond the present ones."

The war in Kosovo and Metohia was the result of a decade long tensions between ethnic Serbs and Albanians. It was led from the air in order to avoid more potential victims in case of land invasion. The end of war was the result of mutual concessions: from NATO side and the Serbian one. The sovereignty of FRY was not put into question, but a great autonomy of Kosovo was predicted including the possibility of independence acquisition (secession). The Resolution 1244 was not abolished, but it was being derogated in order to prepare the fundament of Kosovo independence. Serbian military-security forces were withdrawn from the territory of Kosovo and Metohia. NATO intervention was not legal from the point of view of international law, but it subordinated sovereignty to human rights. Intervention was justified in cases of humanitarian need. Event though humanitarian need (catastrophe) is taken as the basis for the intervention, the example of such kind could not be found in the past. So, Kosovo cases were qualified as sui generis one. Thus, the war in Kosovo became an example to be followed in the future, and an unresolved situation may become the threat to the peace and security in the surrounding countries. Democratic countries give themselves the right to interfere and intervene into internal affairs of others differently from the autocratic ones, which was supposed to be neither correct nor consistent. Kosovo conflict and war rattled global power structure, especially with China and Russia as new challengers of the USA power. Both countries are trying hard to reach USA, but they are still in transition with unstable financial systems, migrations and unresolved system of social protection. Regarding Kosovo conflict and war, they engaged themselves rather indirectly than directly. As Security Council permanent members they were voting against the independence of Kosovo, but did not involve themselves into the war directly. Kosovo war showed how China is backward regarding war technique, and Russia regarding financial engagement. In addition, China expected membership in WTO, and Russia a great financial assistance. Russia engaged in negotiations via the Contact Group. With the arrival of Putin, Russia could not engage in Balkan more militarily but only commercially due to the fact most Balkan countries entered NATO or Partnership for Peace Programme. Internal cohesion of Russia with centralistic governance was reinforced, and ethnic tensions were calmed down. The perspective of Russia is United Nations and commerce through pipeline.

In a relatively short time the Internet has become one of the main and the most important media of our times. The increasing number of users, as well as the growth of its role and importance in almost every aspect of social and economic life have led in recent years to the intensification of the discussion on the future of the Internet and the way it should be governed. From the very beginning the Internet developed bottom-up without a decision-making center responsible for its development. There are many organizations in the world operating at local, regional and global levels, that focus on different aspects of its operation and development. This process called "Internet governance" is the process within which governments, information and communication technology (ICT) companies and civil society work together to set standards, values, norms and decisions that shape the way we use the World Wide Web. This article attempts to explain this phenomenon, shows the origins of the dispute between the supporters of the multistakeholder model of the Internet governance. It also presents the proposals of some states to strengthen the role of governments in this process and presents the position of the European Union, which in this discussion may play a key role as a mediator in the debate about the future of the Internet governance. ; Internet w stosunkowo krótkim czasie stał się jednym z głównych i najistotniejszych mediów naszych czasów. Wzrastająca liczba jego użytkowników, jak również wzrost jego roli i znaczenia w niemalże każdym aspekcie życia społeczno-gospodarczego spowodowały w ostatnich latach nasilenie się dyskusji na temat przyszłości internetu i sposobu w jaki powinien być zarządzany. Internet od samego początku rozwijał się oddolnie bez centralnego ośrodka decyzyjnego. Na świecie funkcjonuje wiele organizacji działających na poziomie lokalnym, regionalnym i globalnym, które skupiają się na różnych aspektach jego działania i rozwoju. Proces nazywany "zarządzanie Internetem" (Internet Governance), to proces, w którym rządy, przedsiębiorstwa z branży technologii informacyjnych i komunikacyjnych oraz społeczeństwo obywatelskie wspólnie wypracowują standardy, wartości, normy i decyzje, które kształtują sposób, w jaki użytkowana jest sieć. Niniejszy artykuł podejmuje próbę wyjaśnienia tego zjawiska, przedstawia genezę sporu pomiędzy zwolennikami wielostronnego modelu zarządzania internetem oraz państwami postulującymi wzmocnienie roli rządów w tym procesie oraz prezentuje stanowisko Unii Europejskiej, która może w tej dyskusji odegrać kluczową rolę stając się mediatorem w debacie o przyszłym modelu zarządzania internetem.

The process of globalization is a logical process of internationalization, caused by deregulation and liberalization, as well as the development of information and communication technologies. To perform an isolationist policy today is completely absurd. Therefore, the main goal of each national economy is to be engaged in international trade while retaining sovereignty and achieving sustainable development, and this is only possible if we realize that not all economic activities are qualitatively the same as the drivers of economic development, and that globalization and free trade can create an automatic economic harmony. Countries that specialize in the export of raw materials will sooner or later experience the opposite effect from economies of scale, namely declining yields. Sustainable development today is a kind of monopoly on the production of advanced goods and services, in which rich countries experience one explosion of productivity for another. In the first part of the paper, we analyze the effects that abstract theories of classical liberal economies have on the poor countries, as well as the neoliberal policies that the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the World Trade Organization today apply to developing countries. In the second part of the paper, we analyze examples of countries whose economic prosperity is the result of a smart and pragmatic mix of market incentives and governance. In the third part of the paper we give recommendations for the new development and trade policy of Serbia. In the last part of the paper, we point to the importance of branding as a factor in the export competitiveness of the company. ; Proces globalizacije je logičan sled internacionalizacije, uzrokovane deregulacijom i liberalizacijom, kao i razvojem informacionih i komunikacionih tehnologija. Voditi izolacionističku politiku danas je potpuno besmisleno. Zato je osnovni cilј svake zemlјe – uklјučiti se u međunarodne trgovinske tokove i pri tome zadržati suverenitet i ostvariti održivi razvoj, a to je jedino moguće ako shvatimo da nisu sve privredne delatnosti kvalitativno iste kao nosioci privrednog razvoja i da globalizacija i slobodna trgovina mogu stvoriti automatsku ekonomsku harmoniju. Zemlјe koje se specijalizuju za izvoz sirovina doći će pre ili kasnije do suprotnog efekta od ekonomije obima, naime do opadajućih prinosa. Održivi razvoj danas predstavlјa neku vrstu monopola na proizvodnju naprednih dobara i usluga, u kome bogate države doživlјavaju jednu eksploziju produktivnosti za drugom. U prvom delu rada analiziramo efekte koje su apstraktne teorije klasične liberalne ekonomije imale na siromašne zemlјe, kao i neoliberalnu politiku koju danas Svetska banka, Međunarodni monetarni fond i Svetska trgovinska organizacija primenjuju u zemlјama u razvoju. U drugom delu rada analiziramo primere zemalјa čiji je ekonomski prosperitet rezultat pametne i pragmatične mešavine tržišnog podstreka i državnog upravlјanja. U trećem delu rada dajemo preporuke za novu razvojnu i trgovinsku politiku Srbije. U poslednjem delu rada ukazujemo na značaj brendiranja kao faktra u izvoznoj konkurentnosti preduzeća

The article addresses current trends in the European transformation and compares the structure which is being built to ancient and medieval empires. The imperial order appears to be productive for the EU, due to it easily embraces the heterogeneity existing within the Union, as well as contributes to the strengthening of the EU institutional legitimacy and efficiency in global governance. The ongoing EU transformations, promoted by the German-French lobby and supported by the authorities in Brussels, are indirectly leading to the emergence of an imperial structure, which is secured by a soft power, instead of a rule of sword. Taking all this into account, an attempt is made to define the role of Poland, the largest post-2004 enlargement state, in the new structure. To make this attempt sufficient a brief analysis of current Polish foreign policy and economic growth is provided. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

"Democracy provides an environment in which the protection of basic human rights is best guaranteed." (Our Global Neighborhood: The report of the Commission on Global Governance, New York 1998). A comparative analysis of available data on state security services of several European states and the US points to the fundamental theoretical tenets concerning the role and the functioning of these services in democratic environment. Since their beginnings, these agencies have been the chief instrument in national security protection. Historically, in various states and in different periods, the unique mission of security services - the protection of national security - has not included uniformity of content. Among other things, this is largely due to a lack of an unequivocal definition of the concept of national security and a miscellany of "perceptions" by the ruling structures of certain states. This is why security services in totalitarian regimes, in t name of protecting "national security", have violated human rights. Due to their specific role within national security systems, security services restri certain rights of certain individuals and organisations even in democratic societies. However, democratic societies are characterised by the fact that security services operate strictly within the law and that such violations are minimal. In other words, in democratic states, security services violate some civil rights in order to protect the key sections of national security, democratic society, and community rights. (SOI : SOEU: S. 150)

It was in the early 1990s that the World Bank first introduced the term "good governance" in its documents and aid programs. After the reorganization of 1997, a list of six indicators of good governance was compiled. The indicators were subsequently used in the research on the quality of governance in Poland. The results clearly showed that the country scored low in all aspects of good governance, notably in public sector transparency, quality of regulation, law enforcement, as well as efficiency and effectiveness of carrying out public duties by the administration.The pathway to shared prosperity in Poland is built around growth, inclusion and sustainability objectives, but success will ultimately depend on a more strategic, effective, and accountable state. Poland has done remarkably well, boasting strong growth over three decades. Looking forward, this argues that a new level of sophistication is required to meet the challenges such as rapidly aging population and evolving global economy. This includes developing a more strategic, effective, and accountable state and it is administration that can facilitate a strong consensus around consistent policies to foster growth, inclusion and sustainability. Improved consistency, commitment, coordination, and cooperation would strengthen Poland's institutions, making them more strategic, effective and accountable.The paper describes the quality of governance and the effectiveness of public administration. The analysis is based on reports published by different institutions and takes into account measuring the effectiveness and quality of public administration and the efficiency of public institutions. ; Artykuł dotyczy jakości rządzenia i efektywności administracji publicznej. Analizy dokonano przede wszystkim na podstawie dokumentów strategicznych i opublikowanych raportów różnych instytucji, uwzględniając ocenę efektywności i jakości administracji publicznej oraz sprawność instytucji publicznych.Pojęcie dobrego rządzenia wprowadził na początku lat 90. XX w. Bank Światowy. Po jego reorganizacji w 1997 r. opracowano listę sześciu kluczowych wskaźników dobrego rządzenia, które zostały zastosowane do badania jego jakości m.in. w Polsce. Badania dowiodły, że Polska osiąga niskie standardy we wszystkich wymiarach dobrego rządzenia, przede wszystkim w zakresie przejrzystości działania sfery publicznej, jakości regulacji, egzekwowania prawa, efektywności oraz skuteczności realizacji zadań publicznych przez administrację. Mimo tego Polska poradziła sobie zaskakująco dobrze, wypracowując w ciągu 30 lat silny wzrost gospodarczy. W najbliższej przyszłości niezbędne będzie jednak podjęcie zdecydowanych działań, by sprostać takim wyzwaniom, jak starzejące się społeczeństwo czy zmiany na rynkach światowych. Sytuacja wymaga wypracowania strategii opartej na funkcjonowaniu sprawnego państwa i jego efektywnej administracji, by wspierać rozwój gospodarczy i funkcjonowanie instytucji publicznych w Polsce.

The European entrepreneurial undertaking, in the form of an equipped and armed merchant ship, ready to circumnavigate and conquer the Globe, created the modern world as a world with one side only: the mondialised West. To be globalised today, such a world has to be made as a new net, but now as a new multitask and multidirectional entrepreneurial feedback. Contemporary global liberal interventionism and governmental entrepreneurship are segmented today into a dangerously simplified multitask global pyramid of governance through onedirectional cascades. For a real globalisation, this process has to be twodirectional at least: from the center to the periphery - but from the periphery to the center, too. Otherwise, at the beginning of a new "centennial trend" and a "great cycle" there is the risk that the collapse of the liberal civilization of the 19th century could be repeated. Once again because of the weakness of the world system peripheries. The question how to strengthen the "anonymous" global economic, cultural and political processes of that twodirectional kind, is becoming the central global and strategic issue for today's politics and political science. It has turned out that this kind of state and its processes real global environment could be successfuly analyzed and effectively made use, of only with the complete unreduced methodical front of all the fields of political science together and even more than that. So as they could be practically surmounted only with a very complex political and economic action through the whole set of expertly managed public policies. From the historically based Croatian point of view, a possibility of integration into the world center was always in founding a world-market "niche", and never in making even a mini-empire or in controlling a mondialized or a mega- national net. Without a methodically global political science approach, also leaning on Central European and Mediterranean cultural and politological traditions, such Croatian interest will not be accomplished. (SOI : PM: S. 179)