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Conceptualizing a just and humane world order in terms of the minimization of violence in both a narrow (direct/physical) and broad (indirect/structural) sense, this paper suggests an 'epidemiological approach' to the study of the global security problematique. Based on a broad and integrated notion of 'social health', as found in the Constitution of the World Health Organization, the paper argues that war/peace needs to be more broadly understood in terms of the domestic and international structures and processes at work. Specifically, the paper (1) examines the dynamics of global violence in both ideological and structural dimensions, (2) evaluates the consequences of global violence in terms of its life-destroying, life-diminishing, life-devaluing, and life-degrading effects in four world order value domains, and (3) explains the global security problematique as a cluster of interwoven and interacting conceptual, normaltive, psychological, and structural variables that together sustain the maladaptive elite behavior of pursuing 'peace' by preparing for war. By way of conclusion, the paper briefly assesses the prospect of a relevant utopia (a demilitarized world order) and suggests five 'principled processes' that should guide our journey from here to there, the world order transition to a more peaceful, humane, just, and safe future.

Global life satisfaction, views of the future, & attitudes toward issues that currently bear on individual lives in the present & for the future were studied by 30 members of the Gallup International Research Instit with 66% of the world's population. The world was divided into 8 regions & a sample was drawn to accurately reflect the attitudes of adults aged 15 & above for each region. The research design called for a global sample of approximately 7,500 cases to be surveyed with an hour-long questionnaire developed through consultation with members of the Kettering Foundation staff & participating organizations' representatives. Economic well-being, health, & family life are the major concerns in all regions of the world, but current concerns & hopes for the future are different in the developing areas from the more advanced industrial regions. 6 Tables. Modified HA.

SUMMARY Less‐developed countries are ahead of developed countries in several areas of policy analysis. One is health. Analysts, and increasingly practitioners, are accepting that returns to spending on preventive medicine—better nutrition, drinking‐water, control of insect pests, etc.—are usually both higher and better‐distributed than are the returns to formal curative outlays. Moreover, the growth process alone does not solve the problem In some ways, growth maldistributes health. As the rich get richer, they improve their personal health environments ; as the poor get less poor, they often switch their babies from clean breast‐milk to convenient but unhygienically prepared formula foods, and themselves from active (if hard) lifestyles to stressful, sedentary and cigarette‐ridden ones. At a turning‐point in Britain, a future Health Minister might adopt this analysis here too. Major switches in incentives, health spending and general social policy would disarm Britain's major killers : cars, cigarettes, cholesterol. Targets could be set for reductions in death‐rates and morbidity. The recognition that the role of government lies at least as much in micro‐policy for welfare as in aggregate planning for growth; the need to confront interests both with rational debate and with opposing interests; the prospects for non‐marginal transformations by interdisciplinary inter‐ministered actions in a traditionally specialised policy area : these are among the lessons that the health experience of the Third World has for Britain. They extend far beyond the health area.RESUME De la santé préventive au redressement national ?Les pays moins developpés sont en avance sur les pays développés dans plusieurs domaines de l'analyse politique. L'un est celui de la santé. Les analystes, et de plus en plus les praticiens reconnaissant que le rendement rapporté par les dépensas pour la médecine préventive—amélioration de la nutrition, de l'eau potable, enrayement des insectes nuisibles, etc ...—est généralement supérieur à et mieux distribué que le rendement rapporté par les dépenses curatives courantes. D'ailleurs, le processus de la croissance ne résout guère le problème à lui seul. A certains égards la croissance distribue mal la santé. A mesure que les riches s'enrichissent, ils assainissent leurs conditions de vie personnelles; à mesure que les pauvres deviennent moins pauvres ils privent souvent leurs nourrissons du lait maternel pur pour lui substituer l'allaitement artificiel—commode, mais préparé d'une façon peu hygiénique, et ils remplacent eux‐mêmes leur style de vie actif (bien que dur) par un autre caractérisé par le stress, la sédentarité et infesté par la cigarette. Au moment où la Grande‐Bretagne se trouve à un tournant, un futur ministre de la Santé publique pourrait bien adopter cette analyse ici. Des transformations radicales dans le domaine des encouragements des dépenses sanitaires et de la politique sociale en general désarmeraient les principaux tueurs en Grande‐Bretagne: les voitures, les cigarettes, le cholestérol. On pourrait fixer des objectifs en vue de réduire la mortalité et la morbidité. Reconnaitre que le rôle du gouvernement réside dans la micro‐politique pour le bien‐être social autant que dans le planning global pour la croissance; la nécessité de confronter les intérêts avec, d'une part le débat rationnel, et d'autre part les intérêts opposés; les perspectives de transformations non‐marginales au moyen de mesures interdisciplinaires et inter‐ministérielles dans un domaine politique traditionnellement specialisé: tels sont les résultats de l'expérience du Tiers Monde en matière de santé dont la Grande‐Bretagne peut tirer enseignement. Ils s'étendent bien au‐delà du domaine de la santé.RESUMEN ¿ Sacrifican la salud en aras de la recuperación económica ?Los países menos desarrollados están por delante de los países desarrollados en varios ámbitos del análisis político. Uno de ellos es el problema de la salud. Los expertos en el campo de la medicina están cada vez más convencidos que los gastos en la medicina preventiva (mejor nutrición, agua potable, control de las plagas de insectos, etc.) se reparten en general de manera más equitativa y más productiva que las inversiones terapéuticas normales. Además el crecimiento por si solo no resuelve el problema. En cierto sentido, el crecimiento distribuye mal la salud. A medida que los ricos se hacen más ricos, mejoran las condiciones de su salud personal y a medida que los pobres se hacen menos pobres, pasan con frecuencia de la alimentación al pecho a otros sistemas más cómodos pero menos higiénicos, mientras que ellos mismos pasan de un estilo de vida activa (aunque dura) a otro más sedentario y dominado por las tensiones nerviosas y el tabaco. Un eventual ministro de la Sanidad británico debería tener presente este análisis, sobre todo si se tiene en cuenta la coyuntura en que se halla Gran Bretaña. Unos cuantos cambios serios en los incentivos, los gastos sanitarios y la política social en general acabarían desarmando a los mayores enemigos de la salud, como son los automóviles, el tabaco, el colesterol . . . Podrían fijarse metas para reducir la mortalidad y el número de enfermedades. El reconocimiento de que la tarea del gobierno ha de centrarse tanto en las micropolíticas para el bienestar como en las planificaciones cumulativas para el desarrollo, así como la necesidad de someter los intereses a un debate racional y de contrastarlos con otros opuestos y, por último, la posibilidad de que ocurran transformaciones de envergadura que resulten de una acción interdisciplinar concertada en un ámbito tradicionalmente especializado. He aquí algunas de las lecciones que puede ofrecernos la experiencia del Tercer Mundo y que van mucho más allá del campo sanitario.

After more than a decade of increasing control, malaria has been making a dramatic resurgence in the 1970s — a resurgence which has been allowed to continue unchecked for several years. This article seeks an under standing of this de-control in the history of the class politics of public health and in an analysis of the current international capitalist crisis. These past and present experiences are analysed within a new Marxist perspective which emphasizes the autonomy of working class struggle within and against capital and the central role of the wageless in capital's division of the class. To analyse the role of un waged labor in the accumulation process and the investment or disinvestment in public health the concept of the "circuit of the reproduction of labor power" is developed. In each of the historical periods the development or underdevelop ment of public health programs are seen as the outcome of the particular charac teristics of the working class struggles and of capital's strategies of these periods. On the basis of these analyses the author suggests that the current de-control of malaria is part of that underdevelopment approach to some areas which forms part of capital's strategies of repression and global restructuring in the present crisis.

Analysis of energy‐system impacts requires quantifications of short‐ and long‐term local, regional, and global modifications. This paper describes and illustrates an approach for assessing long‐term health risks due to dispersion of naturally occurring radionuclide series and chemical toxins by normal and altered landscape‐chemical cycles. Health hazards are expressed as dose factors which convert environmental concentrations into a corresponding dose field (organ doses in rad for radionuclides; daily intake for toxic elements). The dose field is translated into a population health risk. The external environment is modelled by considering the manner in which elements are distributed and mobilized within the earth system. The landscape prism is presented as a tool for visualizing and mapping toxic material cycles near the crustal surface. An approach is provided for dividing the landscape into a set of compartments consistent with patterns of element circulation observed in the global environment. We investigate the response of regional landscapes to increases of 238U, 226Ra, arsenic and lead in soil and groundwater. It is found that each decay series or element imposes a hazard by its behavior in the total environment that cannot be quantified by a simple measure of toxicity.